Newman, William Mendel/ The Cartulary and Charters of Notre-Dame of Homblieres.
Edited by THEODORE EVERGATES with GILES CONSTABLE,
on the basis of material prepared by WILLIAM MENDEL NEWMAN.
Medieval Academy Books, No. 97 (1990).



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THE CARTULARY AND CHARTERS OF NOTRE-DAME OF HOMBLIERES

edited with an introduction by THEODORE EVERGATES in collaboration with GILES CONSTABLE on the basis of material prepared by WILLIAM MENDEL NEWMAN

THE MEDIEVAL ACADEMY OF AMERICA

Cambridge, Massachusetts

1990


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Copyright © 1990

By The Medieval Academy of America

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 86-62270

ISBN 0-910956-88-X

Printed in the United States of America


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TABLE OF CONTENTS


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PREFACE

This edition of the charters of Homblières, like many posthumous publications, incorporates several stages of work, which were carried out at different times. The first stage, in 1936-1937, was the collection and preliminary editing of the texts; the second stage, in 1948-1950, was the annotation of the charters and the preparation of the introduction and index; the third stage was the checking of the texts, done in the 1950s by Jean-Baptiste Giard and perhaps by Newman himself, who may also have revised his introduction at that time; and the final stage, from 1979 to 1986, was the revision of the entire work by Theodore Evergates, in collaboration with me. The user of this volume must bear these stages in mind, since some inevitable unevenness has resulted from our desire to preserve as much as possible of Newman’s work while bringing it up to date in a way he would have wanted. With reference to his first two collections of charters, for instance, Newman wrote in 1973 to the Executive Secretary of the Medieval Academy that “Maurice Prou, Actes de Philippe Ier is my model. I have always followed Prou and wish to continue to do so. Unless something is really wrong one should not change my ms.” We have tried to bear this in mind, though the changes resulting both from the appearance of new works and the re-collation of manuscripts may be more extensive than Newman envisaged.

In the same letter Newman wrote:

More serious is the question of the introductions. When in the 19th century the French scholars began to edit cartular[i]es, it was proper to have an introduction. But so many monastic histories have been published that the situation has changed. Thinking now of small houses, why do we publish their charters? The history of the monastery is of only local interest in as much as we know few facts not contained in the charters. . . . These charters should be used to help understand social, economic and institutional problems rather than for [the] local history of the house.

The present introduction, which is essentially the work of Professor Evergates, is based more on these principles than on what Newman wrote almost forty years ago. He also had strong views on indices, especially linguistic indices, and in a review written in 1965 he remarked severely “that the two
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indices are worthless,” because they were incomplete. In 1972, in a personal letter, he wrote:

I believe it a mistake for an indexer to be too learned and to group names in a linguistic fashion. . . . People don’t name their children with linguistics in mind. . . . And how about identifying people? I did so whenever it was possible in my unpublished cartularies and finally decided that few scholars would undertake editing if they were obliged to do genealogical research of any extent. Is it not more realistic to get the documents published with an index, and hope that someday someone will publish an article on their genealogies?

It is in this spirit, which we believe is also the spirit of Newman, that we offer the present collection to the public, with a consciousness of its unevenness but a confidence that it will advance both the knowledge of the region on which Newman worked and the understanding of the broader problems in which he was interested, though he rarely addressed himself to them in his published works. The memoir, in addition to placing the cartulary of Homblières in the context of Newman’s life and work, likewise throws some light on his general historical thinking and on the influence upon him, which he generally concealed, of the great scholars under whom he studied.

Giles Constable


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FIGURES AND TABLES


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ABBREVIATIONS


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WILLIAM MENDEL NEWMAN (1902-1977)

By Giles Constable

Introduction

The reputation of William Mendel Newman rests entirely on his publications. He was an active researcher for less than half his adult life, taught for only three years in three different institutions, and received none of the honors dear to the hearts of academics; but as a publishing scholar he ranks among the leading American medieval historians of the twentieth century.1 In his first book, which was devoted to the French monarchy in the eleventh century, he was able, according to F. M. Powicke, who reviewed it when it came out in 1929, “to modify and define more closely the conclusions of Luchaire and other scholars.”2 His two Strasbourg theses, on the royal domain in France from 987 to 1180 and the acts of King Robert II, were widely praised when they appeared in 1937 and are both standard works. By the time Les seigneurs de Nesle was published in 1971, Newman was a well-known scholar and was described as “the very image of a great historian” by Guy Fourquin and as the peer of the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century genealogical and archival giants by John Benton. Léopold Genicot said that his method was “classic, exacting, sure,” and Georges Duby called the book “of the very first importance” and “a model of method and an inexhaustible mine.”

Among Newman’s unpublished works at the time Les seigneurs de Nesle appeared were four collections of monastic charters, including St-Fursy of Péronne, which came out in 1977, the year of his death, and Homblières,
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which is published here.3 An unpublished work of another type was the diary which he kept from 1919 until 1950, with a gap from 1925 to 1930, and which fills nine volumes with a total of about a million and a half words.4 It is no accident that he began keeping it when he left home to go to boarding school, or that it ends on the eve of his departure for France, which marked the beginning of a busy and relatively happy period of his life, since the diary was a companion in his loneliness and an alleviation for his unhappiness. In 1932 he considered giving it up because he might then be less moody, and in 1934 he admitted that he preferred writing his diary to working. In an isolated supplementary entry written in September 1967 he wrote that he stopped keeping a diary because “it seemed to have a bad effect upon me—of finality,” and writing it undoubtedly encouraged him to dwell on his troubles, both real and imagined. But for the years it covers the diary gives a vivid account of Newman’s life, especially when he was a student working under Marc Bloch, and of his attitudes towards himself, his family, his teachers, and his work.

Writing in January 1925, when he was twenty-three years old, Newman described the diary as “a record day by day, not of solid, infallible truths, but of myself as I thought fit to record—some intentional omissions as to my thoughts, none as to my deeds, and no intentional untruths.” This description by and large fits the entire diary, which is a personal record of Newman’s thoughts and actions, though it includes a few references to public events. He usually wrote the entries every day, and sometimes more than once a day, but there are some collective entries and a few considerable gaps.5 In October 1944 he wrote that he seldom kept his diary: “I don’t know
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why . . . only I am more cheerful.” And in June 1949 he attributed his lack of interest in his diary to the fact that he was “very busy” and “unusually happy.” He made no changes in what he had written, aside from eight small ones in the first volume, which may refer to youthful peccadilloes, and he only rarely consultd it, mainly to find the names of friends, though earlier entries on a single page occasionally reminded him of past troubles. The amount of detail and specificity of the quotations at times stretch the reader’s credulity, but the letters Newman wrote to his mother about two lectures he heard in 1922 and 1923 show that he had a remarkable memory, and there is no serious reason to doubt either the diary’s accuracy or its honesty.

Newman’s diary was sent to me after his death, together with the cartulary of Homblières, which he wanted me to publish, and his other surviving papers, and it forms the basis of this memoir. My initial hesitation to use it, owing to its intimacy, was overcome by three considerations. First, the fact that Newman kept the diary, although he destroyed most of his personal and scholarly papers, and left no instructions concerning it in his will, shows that he wanted it to be preserved. Second, a few passages suggest that he expected the diary to be read by others. Notably, on 4 May 1942 he wrote:

If one read this diary, one might think my judgments changed rapidly and violently. That is really not the case; I record sometimes the surface, and only later give my real thoughts, that is natural, for one wishes to believe and so records what favors belief even when in the back of one’s head there is clear misbelief.

Third, without using the diary, it would be impossible to write more than half a page about Newman’s life, principally on the basis of entries in his school and college class reports. He was a very private man and during his lifetime concealed many of his achievements as well as his grievances from the world. Yet he considered himself ill-treated and misjudged, and his diary, although much of it is not to his credit, is ultimately an apologia. To understand all is to forgive all, and by justifying Newman his diary helps to explain why men like him behave as they do.

Very few scholars, furthermore, have left such a detailed record of their lives, especially during their formative years. It may be argued that scholarly works, like works of art, should be allowed to speak for themselves, without reference to the lives of their creators. It is important to understand how a scholar’s life is related to his or her work, however, and to appreciate the cost, as it were, paid by society for the achievements it prizes. Many outstanding artists and writers have been a source of misery to themselves and their families and of difficulties to people who admire their creative works. Newman as seen in his diary was an unhappy and often unattractive man, and some readers of this memoir will be put off by the strength of his dislikes, especially of his family, teachers, and colleagues, and by the harshness of his language, which contrasts with the somewhat austere character of his
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published writings and with his retiring, even diffident, external behavior. Yet whether his story repels or simply saddens the reader, it must be remembered that Newman’s historical works were to a great extent the products of his personal problems. He turned to scholarship largely because he despaired of finding elsewhere the happiness for which he yearned and of which he felt unjustly deprived.

Life and Character

The main facts of Newman’s life are quickly told. He was born in Pierce City, Missouri, on 31 January 1902, the second son of Milton Newman and his wife Lenna, born Mendel. Their only other child was William’s older brother Joseph. In 1922 they moved to Enid, Oklahoma, which remained their home till they died in 1943. William went to school in Pierce City and at Phillips Academy, Andover, and entered Harvard in the fall of 1921. After graduating, in 1925, he spent another year at Harvard and took an M.A. in American history. He taught for two years, one at the University of Iowa and the other at the Ohio State University.6 In 1928 he went to Europe in order to study medieval history, and he earned two doctorates, one under Joseph Calmette at Toulouse in 1929, and the other at Strasbourg in 1937, where he worked under Marc Bloch and Charles-Edmond Perrin. He was Bloch’s only American doctoral student, and perhaps the only student of any nationality who both began and completed his doctoral work under Bloch’s direction.7

He returned to the United States in 1937, after nine years in Europe, and taught for a year as an instructor at the University of Michigan. He was in Cambridge from 1938 until 1942, when he went to St. Louis in order to do war work in his brother Joseph’s factory. After the war he moved to Seattle
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and lived there until 1950, when he visited France and gave up keeping the diary. Much less is known, therefore, about his life after 1950 than before. In August 1952 he went to France and remained there for eleven years, returning in 1963 to the state of Washington, where he lived first in a rented house on Lummi Island and then (from 1968) in his own home—the first and last he ever owned—near the town of Bellingham, where he died on 27 April 1977. It is significant, I think, that he went to live in one of the most distant corners of the United States, far from colleagues or a major university, and that he spent some of the happiest and most peaceful years of his life there.

Because the diary for 1925-1930 is missing, it is impossible to say why Newman gave up the beginnings of an apparently conventional career teaching American history in order to embark on a new life of solitary research into the history of medieval institutions, for which he was suited neither by temperament nor by training. In principle he preferred a life of involvement rather than of withdrawal, and after he left Michigan and gave up teaching, which he disliked, he more or less abandoned research for almost a decade. Aside from working for his brother, he liked St. Louis and threw himself into his work first in the purchasing department and then as personnel manager of the White-Rodgers Electrical Company. “I am another person . . . ,” he wrote in November 1943. “It may be OK to write history but it seems futile.” When he moved to Seattle he hoped to continue a career in business (and put two advertisements in the Seattle Times seeking a position as a personnel manager)8 and even considered entering public life. He served on the school committee of the Municipal League and the scholarship committee of the Harvard Club, which he enjoyed. He returned to historical research only when he found no other employment and could not face doing nothing, and he wrote his most important book during his second stay in France. His return to America in 1963, according to the supplementary entry to the diary written in September 1967, “was the close of a long chapter in my life—I would no longer be able to do research in Medieval History for which I had lived.” He burned many of his old notes with relief—“Somehow I felt a load off of me; the past was gone”—and although he built a library for his books in his new house, and completed some work, including the booklet on the personnel of the cathedral of Amiens, he did no more serious research.

Five considerations emerge from the diary which help to explain why Newman was a medievalist malgré lui, who never really enjoyed historical
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scholarship and was driven to it only because he could find nothing else to do. The first of these was his health; second, his relations with his family; third, his financial position; fourth, his perception of prejudice; and fifth, his temperament and personality. Had any one of these been different, he might have followed another course in life, and perhaps have been happier, although scholarship would have been poorer. Each of them therefore deserves to be considered here as a factor shaping his life and work.

Throughout his life Newman believed that bad health kept him from doing his best work and excluded him from certain occupations. Whether or not he was really below par physically is hard to say, but even at Andover he attributed his disappointing academic performance to his lack, as he put it later, of “a good body and good mind,” and the diary is filled with details about his various medical symptoms. He rarely visited a doctor, but his suspicions were confirmed when he was rejected by the army on 22 July 1942 “for mental and physical reasons . . . for manic depression psychosis and for ‘pulmonary tuberculosis suspect.’ . . . Then other defects were eyes, moderate hemorrhoids, etc.” The following day he wrote that “Life now seems divided into 2 periods—before and since July 22.” The rejection was a blow both because enlistment would have fulfilled his desire to serve during the war (and to find something to do other than history) and because it convinced him that he was unsuited for a normal life, though in fact his health seems to have improved when he was in St. Louis. In his Fiftieth Harvard Class Report he wrote that “Health forced me in 1963 to cease research.”

Had his relations with his parents and brother been better, he might in spite of his health have entered a business career or worked in one of the department stores his family owned in Missouri, Iowa, and Oklahoma. He disliked almost all members of his family, and his many aunts and uncles and cousins remain shadowy figures in the diary.9 He said at one point that he had one English and three German grandparents, who came to the United States presumably in the mid-nineteenth century and settled in the South and Midwest. His father was born in 1872 and his mother in 1874; they were married in 1897; and both died in 1943. When they moved from Pierce City to Enid in 1922, they expected to encounter some hostility because they were Jewish, but they were socially as well as financially successful. They visited Florida and Asheville when Newman was in school and regularly went to Charlevoix in the summer. Milton was president of the Lions Club and of the Chamber of Commerce and when he died, leaving an estate of over $200,000, several ministers offered the use of their churches for the funeral,
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though the family decided on a Jewish service. When Lenna was invited to join the Board of the Y.W.C.A., William remarked, “The Jews will have a fit,” and he later commented on their desire to know “the nicest people,” meaning not only Jews. William’s brother Joseph was four years older than William.10 He went directly into business and became president of Emerson Electric in 1933, when he was only thirty-five. He was described in a later article in Fortune as “aggressive, with strong ideas about both the electrical industry and labor relations,” but after Emerson experienced one of the longest sitdown strikes in labor history, he lost his job and set up the White-Rodgers Co., which manufactured heating and refrigeration equipment and later merged with Emerson. He was also concerned with the Automatic Controls Corporation, which he planned to merge with White-Rodgers in 1946, but the details of Joseph’s business career are unclear. He married in 1922 and divorced in 1945, after adopting three children. William disapproved of both the divorce and the adoptions, and his sympathy for his sister-in-law, with whom he kept in touch for many years, was one of the factors which alienated him from his brother.

The progressive deterioration of Newman’s relations with his parents and brother is a leitmotif in the early volumes of the diary. As early as 1922 he felt he had been happier in the past because he had been on better terms with his family. He kept as far apart from them as possible, because of quarrels when they were together, and referred to them in increasingly harsh terms when they were apart.11 When he was in Europe he frequently refused to answer, read, or sometimes even open his mother’s letters because they so enraged him. His relations with his father were better in the early 1930s, but in 1939 he wrote “he and I are as far apart as 2 people can get.” His dislike for his brother, for whom he previously expressed affection, and to whom he dedicated Le domaine, came to a climax when he was working for him in St. Louis and especially during the disputes after their parents died. In a supplementary entry to the diary written on 1 January 1968, after Joseph’s accidental death in 1967, Newman wrote, “We had ceased to have anything to do with each other. He was impossible and everyone who had to do with him
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knew it. I did not attend the funeral held in Enid, Okla.”12 These feelings not only cut Newman off personally but also influenced his views on families and life in general, since he was convinced that parents invariably sought to control their children for selfish purposes. His remarks in Les seigneurs de Nesle on the strength and importance of medieval families, whose influence he regarded as greater than that of the church or custom, may have reflected his personal experience.

Newman’s resentment of his parents’ desire to control him either through kindness and concern for his welfare or especially through money fostered his desire for independence and his careful, even frugal, management of his own finances. The diary contains many interesting details about his expenses, especially in Europe, where he spent less than $50 a month in France and about $35 a month in Belgium.13 He recorded with dismay that an out-of-work man with four children in France received an allowance of twenty francs a day in 1933, when the franc was worth about four cents, and a cleaning woman in Brussels in 1934 earned twenty Belgian francs a day, “very very little.” It is uncertain whether he had any income of his own at this time, and he was supported primarily by his savings during the two years he taught in Iowa and Ohio and by occasional gifts from his parents and brother, which he found useful but resented and increasingly tried to refuse. In January 1942, just before his fortieth birthday, he wrote that he had decided not to accept any money his parents might send, especially since he had spent less than $1,500 of what they had given him during the previous five years. “I have reached the place where I want to be independent (i.e. free from the tantrums of my family) at any cost. . . . When I am financially independent of them and live far away (as I do), they will keep still.”

When he wrote this, he was back in Cambridge after his year at the University of Michigan, where his salary was $2,500, and before starting to work at White-Rodgers, where he earned $3,000 a year. He achieved financial independence after his parents died in 1943, when he inherited, after endless wrangling with his brother, $104,000. His total worth in February
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1944 was about $150,000 and in August 1945 about $171,000, including his holdings in White-Rodgers (about 5 percent of the total shares), the Automatic Control Corporation, and the Newman Mercantile and Realty Companies. The post-war problems of these companies cut his income by almost three-quarters in four years, from $18,268 before taxes in 1946 to $4,800 in 1949.14 This helps to explain his desire to protect his capital and constant worry over his own finances and those of the nation. In fact he lived well within his means and usually managed to save at least half his income, even in the years when he bought furnishings for the home he planned, including silver, china, and rugs, and later also books. He always lived carefully and took some pride in looking less prosperous than he really was. “I think people assume that I have very little as I put up no front,” he wrote in 1947, “—no car and obviously live simply—so much the better.” He complained of expenses to those who knew him in Paris in the 1950s and who assumed he had barely enough to get by, when he was in fact a comparatively rich man. At his death he left an estate of about $1,200,000, most of which went to Andover with smaller legacies to Harvard and the Medieval Academy.15

His private income allowed Newman to devote himself to research, without having to earn a living, but it also imposed upon him a degree of isolation which was heightened by the two other, more personal factors which help account for his withdrawal into medieval history. The first of these was his awareness of being a Jew, for although he was not a religious man, and rarely went to temple, he had a strong sense of Jewish identity.16 He made no effort to conceal that he was Jewish, without advertising the fact, disliked name changing, and opposed marriage “out of the faith,” as he called it. As a youth and young man, in spite of two references to anti-Semitic experiences (one in grammar school and one in Paris), and a nagging concern that most
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of his friends were Christian, he seems to have been comparatively at ease with being Jewish, and he more than once expressed his own low opinion of eastern European and New York Jews.17 His attitude changed sharply after he returned to the United States, since he was convinced, and made no secret of it, that he lost his position at the University of Michigan because he was a Jew.18 It is impossible to say what truth, if any, lay in this charge, since Newman’s diary shows that he was a poor teacher and an uncooperative colleague, and his views were certainly to some extent influenced by his keen sense of personal failure; but from this time on he firmly believed that as a Jew he would never get a teaching position in America.19

The fifth and final factor which tended to isolate Newman and exclude him from a normal career was his dislike of women, which amounted almost to misogyny, and his preference for men as friends. He decided “never to have anything to do with women,” he wrote in 1936, “one terrible night many years ago” after a quarrel between his parents. “I think the western world has made a mistake in the exhalted place it has put women. I have very little faith in men, none in women. A woman is always selfish, some men are sometimes unselfish.” Almost the only woman in the entire diary of whom he spoke well was a medievalist from Bryn Mawr whom he met several times in Paris in 1931 and whom he described as “a very superior young lady, a very rare thing. She has brains, culture, looks, and apparently a good disposition.”20 He showed no desire to improve the acquaintance, however,
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and he invariably rejected the idea of marriage when it arose, though once, in 1947, he remarked with seeming regret that he was too old and that his “disposition was not suited for it.”

He was desperately lonely, and longed more than anything else in the world for the companionship of a sympathetic, gentle, intelligent—and preferably young and good-looking—man.21 He described himself in 1934 as “a Puritan in many ways,” however, and except for one short period in his life, he did not want a physical relationship, aside from what he regarded as innocent gestures of affection. He was indeed repelled by any specifically sexual contact with either a man or a woman, as he was by even a shadow of indecency in a book, play, or piece of music.22 He was often attracted to men whom he met, or even just saw, and of whom he entertained extravagant hopes at first but with whom he was bitterly disappointed when they turned out to be uninterested in him or in some other way unsuitable.23 In spite of many complaints, he had no difficulty in meeting people, and the records of his conversations with casual acquaintances are among the most interesting passages in the diary. A student who saw him talking outside Widener Library in 1941 said, “I think you spend more time outside than inside.” He attributed his liking for personnel work, and his success at it, to his sincere
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interest in people,24 though he tended to have better relations with men who were in trouble or less fortunate than he was. After the war he gave some sensible advice to several ex-servicemen who were tempted to re-enlist because they were having difficulty in finding jobs. “The proper placing of a man is the biggest benefit one can shower upon him,” he wrote in 1946. But these casual meetings led to no lasting friendships. He had a few friends who went back to his days at Andover and Harvard and who occupied a special place in his affections, but they could not fill his need for a sensitive and loving comrade. His eagerness often put excessive demands on new acquaintances, while his self-doubts led him to expect of them more than was reasonable, especially that they should seek him out after a first meeting.25

Some friendships lasted a few weeks, others a few months, and one a couple of years, but they all ended in disillusionment and unhappiness for Newman. One of the most intense, which ran its course in just over a month, was with an Austrian student at the hotel school in Strasbourg, who was almost eighteen, and engaged to be married, but who allowed Newman to kiss and caress him “in an honest, affectionate way, just as we would to a brother.” Newman gave him presents and lent him money, which he knew was unwise, and his affection cooled as he began to feel he was being taken advantage of, and ended in bitterness.26 Newman had several similar friendships in Belgium, but the most serious were in Cambridge with two students, one named Paul, who appears in about sixty entries in 1940 and 1941, and the other Dick, who appears in about a hundred and fifty entries in 1941-1943, and two dozen more in 1946-1948, and who seems to have taken
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shameless advantage of Newman’s affection for him, borrowing several thousand dollars which he never repaid.27 Paul, on the other hand, rejected Newman’s offers of friendship and help after only two meetings, and Newman adored him from afar, holding “long, silent imaginary conversations” with him for sometimes as long as an hour and a half.28 Newman contrasted these two friendships, one based on closeness and receptivity and the other on distance and rejection, in an interesting entry on 26 June 1941.

I still worship him [Paul]; his courage and determination to do right and get well caused me to admire him almost beyond reason, even while my reason told me it was exaggerated. And the one [Dick] went away to have a good time and the other [Paul] to suffer in silence (that in itself is enough to explain the difference in my attitude). . . . Human sentiment is peculiar.

The struggle between Newman’s ethical principles and his emotional and physical needs runs through these and many other entries. In 1939, after holding hands with a student under the partition in a lavatory, but refusing to do more, he wrote, “My reaction later on was (1) I was of course glad I left him, (2) a decided feeling of pleasure out of merely holding his hand.” His most severe crisis came in Enid and St. Louis between October 1942 and August 1943—a period of extreme emotional turmoil, following the failure of the friendships with Paul and Dick, his rejection by the army, and his decision to leave Cambridge in order to work for his brother in St. Louis. His mother, whom he had hated and loved for many years, died in February 1943, and his father in November. His extensive reading in psychiatry and psychology at this time may also have encouraged his sense of the need and legitimacy for self-expression when he felt attracted “in undesirable ways” to a young man who worked (of all places) in his father’s department store. In mid-November 1942 he wrote that “In the past ethical ideas have tormented me but in the future (not with a youngster of course) I’ll go to the limit (and there will be no limit).” But though he went further during this period than ever before, or after, and used language in the diary
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which appears in no other entries,29 he never seriously crossed his own self-imposed boundaries, or really wanted to. After one incident, in January, he wrote, “It taught me one thing, that I had desire only to kiss and caress his face and chest.” He still felt attracted to young men, and admitted to being “set on fire again by a handsome soldier” during one of his last evenings with his father, late in August, but the limit he wanted to cross was always there, and references of this type were rare during his later years in St. Louis and almost vanished after he moved to Seattle.

He never lost his feeling of loneliness, however, or his desire for an ideal friend. Even at Andover his friends were almost more important to him than his academic work, and at Harvard he deplored the fact that Friendship, with a capital F, meant so little to the students there. He described his loneliness in Belgium in 1933 as “not a fact but a state of mind, in my case usually caused by not being with someone I like,” and in May 1934 he saw himself as made up of the opposites of “a love of solitude [and] a longing for an ideal companion.” In 1935 he wrote, “I always feel strong in isolation with a tinge of loneliness that comforts me,” and in 1937, “I dread being part of a community, above all, a small one.” This was one reason he was unhappy in Ann Arbor, though in St. Louis he liked his colleagues at White-Rodgers, except for his brother, and two days before he left for Seattle in 1946 he wrote, “That group has certainly been wonderful to me.” He began to feel lonely again in Seattle, and wrote in June 1947,

I am so lonely I do not know what to do, but I do not drink, do not play golf, nor go to movies, nor play cards, and can’t stand the sort of conversation most men indulge in, so how could things be other than they are.

These passages, and especially the reference to the “loneliness that comforts me,” suggest that Newman’s sufferings, though doubtless real, were also a consolation to him. “Depend upon it,” Dr. Johnson said, “that if a man talks of his misfortunes, there is something in them that is not disagreeable to him: for where there is nothing but pure misery, there is never any mention of it.”30 Newman had a romantic view of himself as disorderly and irrational, and in 1941 he contrasted the conflict within himself of “calm, quiet, stilness” and of “suffering, pain in order to understand, sacrifice and struggle with and for a definite hope.”31 “Without pain life would not be worth living,” he
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wrote in 1934, and the year before he described a personal disappointment as “somewhat like a purification.”

He had no doubts about the purity of his own motives, and many entries in the diary express his sense of outrage at the insensitivity of other people towards him. His own chief strength was his uprightness, he declared in 1937, and he described his life as “meant so well, lived cleanly, forcefully, honestly, and yet all those troubles.” He was only dimly aware of how many of these he brought on himself. He knew that he was competitive, touchy, and retiring,32 but tended to see these not as faults but as the concomitant aspects of a praiseworthy desire to succeed, independence, sensitivity, and modesty. He was jealous, suspicious, and often ungenerous, especially to people whom he regarded as more able or successful than he was,33 and usually attributed any disagreement with his views to ill will or jealousy. He believed that happiness was possible only in a competitive environment and through achievement and success, and he invariably felt blue, as he put it in 1937, “after talking to someone who seems to know a lot,” meaning more than he did. His skin was so thin as to be almost nonexistent, and he never forgave a personal slight, which was probably the real reason he disliked Marc Bloch and many other professors.

Yet he was genuinely well disposed towards mankind in general, and at times went out of his way to advise and assist men who were in trouble. This sympathy, in addition to his learning and retiring personal disposition, so at contrast with his seething inner feelings, called forth a response in others and gave him an unobtrusive charm which was attractive though not memorable. Several living people who are mentioned in the diary, and with whom I have been in touch, have little or no recollection of Newman now. Though he rarely went to museums or concerts, he was fond of art and music and once wrote that he would have liked to have been a professional musician if he had only been more talented. He admired beauty in objects and formed a considerable collection of china, rugs, silver, furniture, and glass, of which he left three pieces to museums in his will. He began to be interested in flowers in the 1940s, and his garden was a source of joy in his later life. His real love was books, however, and there are many references in his diary to reading.
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Among poets he liked Mansfield and Bridges, and he kept papers concerning Robert Hillyer, Petrarch, and Rabindranath Tagore. Among prose writers he admired Henry Adams, Pierre Loti, and Walter Pater, and especially in 1943-1944 he read extensively in Chinese literature, which he thought exercised a greater influence on French and English thought than on German. “European culture is not so united as we usually like to pretend,” he remarked in this connection in 1944. He disliked most modern writers, including Galsworthy and Eliot, and any work that touched on sex.34 Over the years he formed a considerable collection of books, of which over half were of literature and on general subjects. His zeal in buying books on medieval subjects paralleled his enthusiasm for his research and was at its height in the early 1930s in France and again in the 1950s, when he found some books for me in Paris. In 1932 he wrote that “My life here is my work and my library, and I am very happy that I have the extra money with which to buy books. As Ziegler [Aloysius Ziegler, the historian of Visigothic Spain and future professor at the Catholic University] said in Paris, ‘one’s books are always faithful, one’s friends are uncertain.’ ”

Newman was conservative in his political views. He leaned as a young man towards authoritarianism, and later expressed great concern for personal freedom. While still at college he cited with approval Randolph’s dictum that “I love liberty; I hate equality.” He feared “irresponsible democracy” in the United States and in 1931 wrote, “We may have to come to a Mussolini someday; the wonder is that we have not come to it sooner.” He voted a straight Republican ticket when he voted for the first time in 1940, and he hated Roosevelt and mistrusted Truman. “To survive in America one must be positive,” he wrote after returning from France in 1937, admitting his own negative feelings and his dislike for materialism and crassness. He was loyal at heart, however, and not without a sense of public service. He listed social service under “Activities” in his Harvard Freshman Red Book and worked in a settlement house in 1921-1922. He felt that “Everyone should take part” during the war and served in the Red Cross and as an air raid warden in Cambridge before he was turned down by the draft and went to St. Louis. In Seattle he worked for both the Harvard Club and the Municipal League. Throughout his life he remained grateful to both Andover and Harvard, in spite of occasional criticisms,35 and remembered them both generously in his will.


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The profound contrast between the realities of Newman’s life and character and his fantasies about himself make it hard to see the man as a whole. He tended to swing between moods of optimism and despair, with periods of relative resignation and contentment in between. Among the reasons for his rejection by the army in 1942 was “manic depression psychosis,” and while there is no reason to believe this was more than the hasty judgment of an army doctor, based on Newman’s description of himself, he certainly suffered from bouts of depression. He became convinced at school that he lacked the mental and physical abilities to achieve the success he hoped for,36 and as a young man more than once contemplated suicide. Though he wrote in 1932, “Suicide no longer appeals to me; I draw back with timidity and sentimentality at the thought that all thought and my place in the world would be wipped out,” the temptation returned after a severe disappointment in 1934.

The tendency to withdrawal comes out in another passage, written in 1932 in the middle of his affair with the Austrian student:

I shall in fact drifted along to be an old man—very lonely, a very empty life, rich only in the efforts on my books, possibly be a good teacher, a mediocre scholar, a friendly, gentle old man who fears the sins of the world and who encourages youth to be brave—because he sees what is ahead of it. And my nature is just the opposite of all that—except for gentleness.

As early as 1934 he began to dream of “a little house, logs, and rock chimney, rustic but modern and comfortable, in a quiet spot,” where he could “live cosily with my books,” and in 1936 he listed his desires in life as “(1) a few good intellectual friends who are gentlemen, (2) quiet, (3) peace of mind, (4) good music, and (5) living out away from people except on occasion.” After returning to the United States he was increasingly given to daydreaming,37 as in his imaginary conversations with the Harvard student Paul, and in the 1940s his dreams increasingly concentrated on a small house “in some small community in America where I can have a big yard.”38


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The mood of peace and contentment in Newman’s later life may be more apparent than real, owing to the absence of the diary in which he recorded his inner feelings, but it can also be attributed to the realization of his dream for a peaceful house in the country, the achievement of financial security, the solution of his personal worries, and strengthening of the streak of resignation that had always been in his character. While he was still in St. Louis in March 1946 he remarked, without rancor, after looking through his diary, that “Most of the names did not recall anyone to me, even names which appeared a number of times.” In spite of occasional bouts of loneliness, he was happier in Seattle than at any previous time in his life. “The cruel depression of spirit is gone since I have been out here,” he wrote soon after arriving, “and that perhaps for the first time in my life.”39 His few friendships of the old type were less intense and therefore caused him less pain when they broke up. Scholarship played a comparatively small part in his life at first, when he was seeking other employment.40 But it re-emerged in the late 1940s and was the motivating force behind his visit to France in 1950 and return there in 1952. As late as April 1949 he wrote, “As time passes I wish less and less to go to France—perhaps it is chiefly innerta and all the work involved of packing up my belongings,” and early the following year, just before leaving he wrote, “Somehow life seemed softer, gentler this evening; I have somehow feared the trip I am to take; if I never come back, it would not be a surprise.”

This trip in fact inaugurated the busiest and most productive period of Newman’s life, though less is known about it than the earlier periods because he kept no diary. In a letter written in 1972, after Les seigneurs de Nesle had been published, he said, “Putting modesty aside, I think it was worth the long seven years of work from 9 A.M. to midnight and that it opens up a new approach, but no one will emulate it because too much labor is involved for a few pages of text.” These years were presumably 1952 to 1959, when he was something of a mythical figure at the Bibliothèque nationale and the Archives, where he worked every day except for a few visits to provincial
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archives and a week in London in 1959. His only occupation other than research was buying books. He lived in a series of rented rooms which sound unutterably dreary from the descriptions he gave of them to his friends. His complaints, as of “the woman—not a lady—” who “literally put me out” of a room in 1957, are reminiscent of his housing problems in the 1930s and suggest that the old Newman was still there and that his diary, had he kept one, might have shown a different man than appeared to the world.

He was therefore in many ways glad when he finished his work and returned to the United States in April 1963. “After years of living on my nerves and determination,” he wrote at the end of May, when he was staying in a motel at Anacortes, “I have been able to relax completely. It has done me a world of good.” He then rented a house on Lummi Island, which “promises extreme quiet and isolation—my dream seems to be materializing,” he wrote before he moved in June. In December he wrote, “Some weeks I don’t even go to town for groceries, just stay to myself as a faithful hermit—at least I am in the medieval tradition.” His chief occupations were reading and gardening, and in March 1967, though he was in doubt whether the lease on the house would be renewed, he wrote that “with healthy human optimism I have nevertheless ordered some 63 dahlia roots to enlarge the collection I already have.” When he bought his own house a few months later, he was faced with “a huge job of transplanting my innumerable flowers” and later wrote that his “chief interest” in the house was “the view and the yard.”

He described his new house in the first supplemental entry to his diary, dated 18 September 1967, as “a small house on almost 10 acres situated 800 feet high on a hillside with a superb view of Puget Sound.”41 The difficulties of remodeling it were considerable, and at one point he wrote, “If I had it to do over, I would tear it down and build a new one, but one always learns too late.” It was not easy to move and later to find help in the garden. In a letter in March 1972 he complained of the incompetence of a young man, but added, “Of course pleasing a 70 year old is not so easy either,” showing that though the old spirit of discontent was there, it was lightened by a touch of self-knowledge which almost never appeared in the diary. The delays and difficulties in publishing Les seigneurs de Nesle, which will be mentioned later, also cast a shadow over the first few years in his new house, but on the whole he was happier there than in any other period of his life, though his diary, had he kept it, might have told another story.

In the first two additions to the diary, however, written in 1967 and 1968, before he moved, he wrote, “I believe I can have a happy last chapter of my life” and “All in all I am very, very lucky and look forward to a good year
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in my new home.” Though he was occasionally lonely, lack of friends no longer tortured him, and in the third and final entry, dated 13 January 1968, he remarked after hearing that an old friend had forgotten him, “Anyhow I now know he is alive. One should not try to hold on to one’s youth.” The appearance of Les seigneurs de Nesle, and later of the charters of St-Fursy of Péronne, and the professional recognition and admiration of younger scholars these works brought, all added to the happiness of his final years. In 1975, he wrote, in his Fiftieth Harvard Class Report,

My life has been a very simple one devoted almost entirely to research in Medieval French history as an independent scholar. I spent about twenty years in France and Belgium for my work. Health forced me in 1963 to cease research. Since then I have lived quietly in the country growing flowers and reading. I still have some manuscripts to be published. I have had a happy life in my work and feel that I have been fortunate in being able to devote full time to it.

It is hard to recognize in this picture of bucolic peace and scholarly satisfaction the sad and troubled young man of the diary, though the failure to mention his Strasbourg degree in the rest of this entry shows that some of the old bitterness remained. He seems in his old age to have more or less successfully drawn a curtain over his earlier confusions and disappointments, and in his last letter to me, written in February 1977, just two months before he died, expressing pleasure at the prospect of a visit from me and my family, he wrote, “Recently I celebrated my 75th anniversary. I can look back on a long, happy life. Life has been good, very good to me. Crowded in my memories are the friendships of so many inspiring people; I have a deep faith in the potentialities of the human race.” To read this is pleasing for his friends and admirers, and especially for those who know the desperate turmoil he came through before reaching this state of relative peace and contentment. But for historians it is important to remember that Newman’s achievements as a scholar, to which I now turn, were the product not of peace and calm but of difficulty and misery.

Intellectual and Scholarly Formation

Nothing in Newman’s family background or early life prepared him to be a professional historian, and he had no innate bent towards scholarship or pleasure in it. He was a mediocre student at both preparatory school and at college, and the grades he recorded in his diary confirm his own gloomy view of his academic ability.42 At Andover most of his work was in French and
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Latin, though he belonged to the Scientific rather than the Classical Department, and the earliest reference to history in the diary was in May 1920, though during the previous summer he had read Prescott’s Conquest of Peru and some historical novels, including The Three Musketeers and Westward Ho. In the summer of 1920 he read Plutarch’s Lives, and during his senior year he did his best work in history. The principal influence steering him in this direction was his teacher Archibald Freeman, of whom he wrote, after Freeman’s death in 1948, that “He was one of the few, very few, great teachers I have had . . . I respected him deeply,” though earlier in the diary even Freeman did not entirely escape the lash of disapproval.43 The basis of Freeman’s influence on Newman, as might be expected in a man of his character, was personal encouragement rather than intellectual stimulation, and he deeply appreciated the fact that Freeman described him as “able” and asked him to tutor some students in history.

Towards the end of his first term at Harvard, in January 1922, Newman thought that he was wasting his time and would do better studying on his own, but on the whole he was happy there. He particularly enjoyed the lectures (which he graded according to his own system) of Wilbur Abbot, Bliss Perry, Charles Homer Haskins, Kirsopp Lake, Charles McIlwain, and Frederick Jackson Turner, and to a lesser degree those of Edward Channing, Charles Copeland, George Edgell, George Lyman Kittredge, and William Munro.44 At one point he referred to Haskins, McIlwain, and Turner as “the three great historians of Harvard.” He later considered himself a pupil of Haskins and thanked him in the preface to Le domaine for “tant de bonnes directives et de sages conseils,” but this was primarily in order to impress his French professors and to minimize his debt to Marc Bloch. In fact he took only one half-course on intellectual history from Haskins (in which he wrote a paper on William of Malmesbury) and met him only a few times.45 Most of
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his work was in American history, and he wrote his senior thesis on James Mason of Virginia and his M.A. thesis on the election of 1800. At Iowa he taught in the introductory course in modern European history. There is no record of his teaching at Ohio, but it may have been there, in conversations with the medievalist Edgar McNeal, whom he also thanked in the preface to Le domaine, that he decided to get a doctorate in medieval history. It is unknown whether he applied to any American graduate schools or why he decided to go to Toulouse, except that he probably wanted to be as far away from Enid as possible.

In spite of the gap in the diary from 1925 to 1930, some entries shortly before and after these dates show that he was thinking about the nature of history at this time. In 1929 he explained to a classmate that in his view

There is no progress only change; every age works out its own problem and the ability of that age is devoted to solving that problem; the history of man is the history of how man has answered the various problems presented to him. Moreover man states the same thought in a new vocabulary each age.46

Here as in his later discourse “Man’s Place in Institutions” the stress on the problems of men in each differing age may have paralleled his own experience, as when he wrote in 1945 that he had to “resolve my problem.” In March 1931 he speculated whether the neglect of the period of youth in classical biographies was attributable to the lack of female writers in antiquity,47 and in the same entry he raised some questions about what is now called counterfactual history. In studying historical heroes and villains he said, “One should always ask ‘what would one say if the other party had succeeded?’ ” He may have been thinking of himself when he asked, later that year, “Why doesn’t someone explain history in the terms of inertia? That explains much—too much of human conduct.” And on Columbus Day 1932 he thought of how much the world had changed since 1492.

I wonder if there is less romance than then, surely there is more comfort and individual liberty and opportunity for the average. Romance is a peculiar thing; it probably never existed save for a few and those few find it still today. Wish I could see Russia, Siberia and China.

His views of himself and of history are mingled in this passage, which suggests that for him the medieval past and exotic lands went together in his search for romance.

By the time the diary begins again late in 1930, Newman already felt that he had made a mistake.48 “As I grow older, I seem less able to bury myself
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in my work and crave more the companionship of someone who pleases me,” he wrote in February 1931.

By nature I am not the slightest bit fitted for the work I have set out to do. . . . [I] might well change to modern History, but I feel it necessary to finish this thesis in Mediaeval in order to keep at least some of myself respect—enough for working purposes, otherwise there might be total demoralization.

This is the tone of many entries over the next six years, while he was working on the theses for his degree at Strasbourg and living first in Strasbourg and later in Paris and Brussels, where he went in part to get away from the professors whom he disliked and by whom he felt neglected. Late in 1933 he wrote, “Up to the present no professor has given me any aide,” and in February 1936, “There is not a single professor in Europe with whom I have really gotten along. . . . They all want to make use of one.”49

The list of Newman’s dislikes reads like an academic Almanach de Gotha of France and Belgium in the 1930s, headed by Bloch, Charles-Edmond Perrin, Louis Halphen, and Ferdinand Lot and, in Belgium, by Paul Bonenfant, François Ganshof, and Fernand Vercauteren. Even Joseph Calmette, who Newman thought treated him with courtesy, was for this reason not above the suspicion of hypocrisy. His opinions of scholars whom he knew only through their writings were equally harsh, and the diary includes many deprecating references to Achille Luchaire, Philippe Lauer, Charles Petit-Dutaillis, Léon Levillain, and others. He was enraged when Bloch and Perrin asked him to soften the tone of some criticisms in his theses, especially of Christian Pfister, who had been dean at Strasbourg, and he believed that these requests were motivated by a desire to protect their academic self-esteem.50 He had better relations with some younger scholars, both Europeans and Americans, who were studying in Strasbourg, Paris, and Brussels at the same time as he was.51 After his return to the United States he kept in
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occasional touch with Aloysius Ziegler, who has already been mentioned, and Dayton Phillips, who later taught at Stanford. But on the whole he envied and mistrusted his colleagues and had close relations with none of them. Not until many years later, when his interest in medieval history revived in the late 1940s, did he have any good words to say of Bloch and Halphen.

The fault for this situation was doubtless to some extent divided. In part it was the result of cultural differences which led Newman’s professors to take him less seriously than he expected, in view of the facts that he had an M.A. from Harvard and a doctorate from Toulouse and had taught history in the United States. While there is no reason to believe that he was worse treated than other research students, his professors may not have devoted much attention to a somewhat unprepossessing American who showed no special talent for medieval history and who, as time went on, increasingly kept his distance. Bloch in particular, who was never the most considerate of men, was at a critical stage in his own career in the mid-1930s, just before he moved to Paris, and behaved with a lack of civility which Newman felt amounted to rudeness. They got off to a bad start even before the diary recommences in 1930, since there are angry references to Bloch from the beginning: “he is always impolite and has nothing helpful to say” (3 December), “Bloch was punk today” (10 December), “I cannot tolerate him” (7 January), and so on. Occasionally there are favorable references after a more friendly encounter or a useful discussion, but on the whole Newman had no respect for Bloch either as a scholar or as a teacher. He regarded the subject of his principal thesis, which Bloch had proposed, as both impracticable and ill-conceived.52 “I expect Bloch to snicker and refuse my work,” he wrote in 1934. “I believe he will be pleased at the chance of refusing me. He dislikes me.”53 Two years
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later, in July 1936, when the thesis was nearing completion, he again expected “that Dam fool Bloch” would demand changes, and later that month wrote, “All my trouble has come from Bloch’s incompetence and dishonesty—harsh words but true.”54

The situation with regard to his minor thesis was little better, though he chose the subject himself, after discovering the deficiencies in the catalogue of acts in Pfister’s book on Robert II. He was at first pleased when Perrin agreed to direct it, praising his helpfulness and patience, but he was rapidly disillusioned with both the thesis and the director. “I wish I had never begun that catalogue,” he wrote in May 1933, “I had no idea how much time it would take.” Some justification is given to his charge of academic neglect by the fact that he found out only in August 1934 (and then not from his professors but from a work by Carl Stephenson published in 1926) that Eugène Martin-Chabot had been working on the same project for many years.55 About this time Newman began to turn against Perrin and soon came to consider him no better than Bloch. “How I dislike those men,” he wrote in June 1936, and referred a few days later to “their dishonesty and nonsense.”
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He was delighted when he found a few mistakes in Perrin’s Seigneurie rurale en Lorraine: “It would give me great pleasure to publish a note correcting his work as he has been so impolite and so sure of himself.” In later entires he described Perrin as a “damn fool,” “that idiot,” and a “hypocrite” who “tried to delay and to ‘sabotage’ my work” and “is nothing less than a dishonest, ill bread upstart who has acquired a certain technical knowledge.”

Newman’s years in Europe, and especially from 1933 to 1937, were filled with unhappiness and self-doubt, and he took little satisfaction in his two doctorates and three books. His failure to mention the Strasbourg (unlike the Toulouse) degree in his Twenty-Fifth and Fiftieth Harvard Class Reports shows his abiding bitterness. His growing dislike of France and the French, towards whom he was initially well-disposed, is amply documented in his diary. “Dante should have had a trip to France,” he wrote in May 1935, “the contact with the french would have given fresh material for l’Inferno.” Almost his only source of pleasure was buying books. “When I am not working on my documents,” he wrote in April 1932, “I dream about books,” and his diary at this time reflects his excitement in studying and ordering from book catalogues. But even this enthusiasm waned with his declining interest in his research. Towards the end of the period he almost altogether stopped buying professional books, and did not begin again until his interest in medieval history revived in Seattle in 1948.56

The most profound source of Newman’s scholarly discontent during these years was his awareness that he had embarked on a course for which he was intellectually and temperamentally unsuited,57 combined with his constitutional inability, owing in part to pride and independence, to obtain the help he needed from either his professors or his contemporaries. It is hard to believe that a scholar who studied under such eminent teachers was in reality more or less an autodidact. Already during his freshman year at Harvard he wrote that he would do better studying alone than in college, and he rarely took advantage of the many opportunities for learning which were presented to him. When he came to Europe in 1928 his only known preparation for the
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study of medieval history was Haskins’s course, taken in his sophomore year, and a rusty knowledge of Latin and French. He was keenly aware of these deficiencies yet took no systematic steps to remedy them. Complaints at his ignorance of palaeography and of Latin and other languages run through the entries for these years. Although he wrote in 1973 that “I think in French for medieval history,” he always had difficulties in writing it, while resenting the efforts of those who tried to correct it. When problems arose in preparing his theses, he refused to turn to the people who might have helped him but whose criticisms he considered inspired by jealousy or ill-will, and he blundered on by what he called “the direct method,” “without any plan,” saying that “Little by little it will get done, that is the only method I have ever known.” The only criticism which he took seriously at the defense of his thesis (while resenting that it had not been made earlier) was Bloch’s comment that he found the documents “very bad—and I suppose he is correct; I have always been much afraid of it.”

Newman’s work on the theses included not only doing the research and writing them (in French) but also printing and publishing them, which was done at his own expense.58 The diary includes some interesting details on his difficulties with the printers—and on their difficulties with him—and on his search for a distributor before settling on the Recueil Sirey in Paris, with which he shared the responsibility of sending out review copies.59 The defense took place on 13 February 1937 in the Salle Pfister of the University of Strasbourg (which was ironic in view of Newman’s low opinion of Pfister’s work) before a committee of six professors, including Bloch and Perrin, each of whom Newman, to his dismay, had to visit on the previous day. The defense went smoothly, in spite of some criticisms of his work, and he was awarded the doctorate with a “mention très honorable,” which Newman attributed to Perrin’s “nervousness” and Bloch’s determination to prevent “all unpleasant remarks on either side,” which might reveal the scandalous misdirection, as Newman believed, of the theses.60 He left the luncheon after the
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defense “in a most unhappy mood,” in spite of his satisfaction at obtaining the degree, and later that evening he felt oppressed by his lack both of the “knowledge necessary for latin editing” and, more seriously, of “enough courage to get away from Medieval History.” A few days later, on 18 February, he described his feelings in greater detail:

The 2 books I have just done are unfair to any beginner; the Domaine demanded too wide a knowledge, yet gave no chance to show it, and the 2nd part demanded too much hunting, too much criticism of documents . . . and too much work on identifications of place names. The Catalogue was for a period very difficult and a region too diverse. Yet my work though in places contestable is far from bad. . . . We all make our mistakes. I had to do all my work alone, without guidance or the little received after the work was done was for the most part very bad.

This passage reflects a combination of insecurity, defensiveness, and self-satisfaction which characterized Newman’s attitude towards his personal life as well as his scholarly work. By expressing an awareness of the faults of his own work, and blaming them on others, he prepared himself for the criticisms which he believed ill-wishing and envious colleagues would direct at his work.61 The books were in fact very well received, and their lasting value has been confirmed by time. They are the products of hard work and patient investigation, and like his later work, they eschew generalizations, of which he wrote in 1941, “I see so little in history except its uniqueness that such conceptions are difficult for me.”62 It is hard to assess Bloch’s influence on these works, especially since Newman ostensibly denied and even concealed it, owing to his dislike for Bloch and contempt for him as a scholar and teacher. Only in 1947 and 1948, after his death, did Newman recognize that Bloch was “France’s outstanding scholar on Economic History and gave the impulsion so badly needed to many studies” and that “His real contribution was to raise questions in the light of much knowledge and understanding.” This is probably true of Newman’s own work, where Bloch’s contribution
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was more to raise questions (including that of the royal domain) than to offer solutions or make substantive suggestions, so that Newman felt he was working entirely on his own. While in 1934 he feared that Bloch would insist on his adding “chapters on comparative history that I cannot give,” five years later back in Cambridge he wrote, “I must do more comparative study; it awakens one to problems.”

The influence of Bloch and the incipient Annales approach to history is more apparent in Newman’s diary than in his published works. Already in April 1935, when the theses were nearing completion and he was beginning to look around for other subjects on which to work, he wrote a long entry—by far the longest of its type in the whole diary—showing the direction in which his historical ideas were moving:

While eating supper I composed a discourse on “Man’s Place in Institutions”, assumed that he created institutions to solve as best he can his actual problems as he sees his problems. To what extent has he usually accepted willingly the customs of the past and been willing to apply them. All through the Middle Ages, he was proud of his modernity yet he was conscious that he lived by custom. Did he apply les coutûmes blindly? To what extent has he ever been willing to reopen continually the eternal question of his relations with his fellow man (political, economic, etc. institutions). The new method of harnessing animals made a big change in the XI-XIIth century, to what extent did he try to readjust his institutions and himself? To what extent are the more liberal leaders in communities, little towns, big towns, etc. trying to solve problems that no longer have a real importance? For example the transportation problem and good roads in the USA for short distance travel; it has ceased to be of importance yet gets great attention. Was that always so? To what extent has man ever been able to see the real problem that confronts him and not just its result without knowing what caused the result? The history of institutions should not merely be descriptive but should try to place the man’s mind (attitude and thought) in the change. Has he ever tried to be a liberal in face of his institutions, has he created them frankly as a modus vivendi or as a system to which one must conform. Institutions show the solution arrived at, under certain specific conditions to solve a specific problem, conditions were always changing and what was man’s place before the fact?

Just as the problems of man in history are largely unconscious, and have to be studied below the level of observable events, so such questions about the nature of medieval institutions and the conflicting claims of custom and innovation, especially technological innovation, rarely appear in Newman’s published writings. They are reflected, however, in a list of “Possible Subjects” which is inserted into the volume of the diary for 1935-1937 and was probably written soon after he received his Strasbourg degree, though it incorporates earlier ideas.63


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Possible subjects

  • 1.  The relation of royal abbayes to the King 1180-1226 (ou 1250).
  • 2.  The Meaning and history of Vicaria, viaria, advocatio in the Région of Ile-de-France 987-1226.
  • 3.  Recueil des Actes des Comtes de Vermandois à 1185.
  • 4.  A History of the Counts of Vermandois à 1185 (or to 1081).
  • 5.  Studies in the history of Agriculture in the régions Laonnais, Vermandois, Picardie in the XIth, XIIth and XIIIth centuries.
  • 6.  A study of the military service due Ph. Aug. et Louis VIII, from the point of view of the difference between the lists published by Audouin (Moyen Age 1912 and 1913) and the information drawn from Charters, such as those of Homblières.
  • 7.  A Study of villes-neuves en Picardie, Vermandois, etc. An essay to show that the new method of attelage concorde with the defrichments and new towns chronologicly.
  • 8.  A study of agriculture words [and] institutional words—placitum, major villae, etc. in the actes of same region XII-XIIIth century (to 1250 [1226 crossed out]?).
  • 9.  The Cartul. of Corbie should furnish lots of technical information and because of what is known of that abbay for the IXe s. should be especially interesting.
  • 10.  The XIth century kings of France and La Picardie—followed by many pièces justificatives.
  • 11.  A Collection of Charters of the bishops of Laon, Noyon and Soissons for the XIth century (Elventh century episcopal charters for Picardie).
  • 12.  Some forged charters for Picardie in the XIth century.64
  • 13.  Terms concerning roads (semita etc.) found in Picardian Charters.65

Taken together, the “Discourse” and the list of “Possible Subjects” show that Newman had a more wide-ranging and speculative approach to history than appears in his books, where he tended to stick closely to the documents. His interest in men’s minds is shown as early as 1932, when he wrote after a discussion with Dayton Phillips that

He accepts whole heartedly the modern psychology (I should read some to be in line with what or how people are thinking) and also history of thought, both seem superficial to me. If one could write the history of thinking OK. but the history of expressed thought is likely to get merely the shell.66


 [[ Print Edition Page No. xliii ]] 
Figure 2 1. Newman’s Research Interests, ca. 1937

1. Newman’s Research Interests, ca. 1937


 [[ Print Edition Page No. xliv ]] 

Like the reference to comparative history, this one was prophetic since in 1940 he began to read extensively in psychology. In April 1940 he wrote, “Although I work at history during the day, my interest is in psychology—to which I devote each evening.”

By this time his interests had largely moved out of the Middle Ages into other fields. His growing disillusionment with medieval history and his sense that he was incompetent to study it were reinforced after his return to the United States both by his great difficulty in finding an academic position—he wrote 128 letters in 1937, 41 in 1938, and 77 in 1939—and by his failure at the University of Michigan, which confirmed his dislike of teaching and also his distrust of colleagues who were more successful than he was,67 though he was still on friendly terms with contemporaries and younger scholars who presented no threat to his own career or self-esteem. He attended his last meeting of the American Historical Association in 1940,68 and was relieved that he did not have to attend the meeting of the Medieval Academy in Princeton in 1941.69 During the years in Cambridge, from 1938 to 1942, he continued to read books on medieval subjects and for the most part to judge them very severely.70 Almost the only books of which he expressed real approval at this time were Joseph Strayer’s Normandy under Saint Louis, which he
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called “a nice clear piece of work without bluff,” his friend Dayton Phillips’s Beguines in Medieval Strasbourg (“a nice piece of work”), and “the excellent study” by the Danish historian Johan Plesner on thirteenth-century Italian roads. From August 1942 until early in 1948 Newman is not known to have read any book on medieval history. His only sign of interest in the Middle Ages during his years in St. Louis was to attend a lecture on medieval music in July 1943. He still read general works on history, but as an amateur rather than as a professional. In May 1946 he wrote that “I really have not lost faith in history for it should furnish the background for parallel social studies to that I just read for China—but it is so much more difficult for the period in which I work.”

Newman returned to the study of medieval history only when, after moving to Seattle, it became clear that he could find no other type of employment. In March 1947 he considered returning to France “to publish 2 volumes and gather more material for my work on roads,” and he wrote after hearing of Marc Bloch’s death, “I plan a lot on finishing the 3 books I began—the cartulary, the bibliography of printed cartularies, and the study of communications Xth century to 1250.” Early in 1948 he took the important step of ordering fifteen scholarly books, and on 31 January, his forty-sixth birthday, he wrote:

I wish very much to publish 2 of the books I worked on and push my work on the 3rd one (the one on roads and bridges). I may have to spend a fair sum of money each year for books and also spend a few months in U. of Calif. library but the real work must await a trip to France.

The book catalogue he received in March was “the first I’ve seen in 10 or 12 years. . . . It was like old times to look through it.” He stopped buying rugs because “French books are more important,” and his acquisition list shows that he spent almost $600 on books in 1948.71 He sent for the books which were in storage in St. Louis and wrote in June, “Since my books came I have not wanted to be with anyone.” On 1 July he wrote, “My work has become very interesting to me once again, and I think I’ll be able to acquire enough books to work here.”

He also began again to read serious works on medieval history and judged them in a more generous spirit than before. On 9 February 1948, two days after borrowing Powicke’s Henry III and the Lord Protector from the University of Washington library, he described it as “a very able work” and said, “I wish I could write a real work for France, but Luchaire did it for the XI-XII centuries.” He even relented towards some of his old enemies and expressed
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a high opinion of Halphen’s Charlemagne and of Bloch’s Caractères originaux, of which he wrote in 1932 that “I don’t think much of it” but now found “really good,” adding later, “I get more out of it now than formerly when I was too critical because I disliked him.” In June he wrote, “The more I read of Déléage’s book [La vie rurale en Bourgogne] the more I marvel; it makes most French books on rural conditions seem like child’s play.” Some of his old venom remained and was used for books he disliked, such as Lemarignier on homage and Oursel on the origins of commerce in Dijon. Although he was pleased to be asked to review Dhondt’s Naissance des principautés territoriales for Speculum—“This is the first time I have been recognized”—he was unfavorably impressed by the book and its author, who struck him as “a conceited ass of the worst sort.” The first version of the review sounded “more like an attack on the man than the book,” but after revision, “It is very different and relatively mild.”

The important point for Newman was that he was again at work, and taking pleasure in historical research for almost the first time since 1933. In two entries written twelve days apart in October 1948 he said, “It is paradise to live this way and have so much—books and the time to read them and plan to write” and “This is near heaven, to live this way—will it last? He felt an urge to write on a new topic, since the project on medieval roads seemed increasingly impracticable. In mid-November he wrote, “I must get to work on an article or book and stop just reading etc. I have now gotten back into the work for enough for that. But what subject?” In December of the following year, shortly before he went to France and near the end of the diary, he was still worrying:

If I could only find a topic to work on, all would be well with me; it is peculiar I can never find any, other people do. It must not require archival work of any length. I may continue on bridges but that does not suit me; it would probably have to be an article and I want to write a book.

Newman’s visit to France in 1950 and above all his extended stay there from 1952 to 1963 allowed him to do the archival work upon which his most original and important book was based. This was his second and most successful period of sustained scholarly activity, though it is less documented than the first because he no longer kept a diary. A slip dated 29 July 1950 shows that he was going through the charters of the Collection Moreau at that time, and by 1954 he had completed the collections of the charters of Homblières, St-Fursy of Péronne, and Mont-Saint-Quentin.72 During the
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following nine years he not only completed the Seigneurs de Nesle and gathered the material for his study of the personnel of the cathedral of Amiens (to which he referred in a letter dated 11 March 1962) but also collected the charters of Arrouaise and made copies and analyses of literally thousands of other documents from many of the principal churches and monasteries in the dioceses of Amiens, Beauvais, Laon, Noyon, Senlis, and Soissons.73

Although Newman seems to have been happier at this time than during his previous stay in Europe, owing to a measure of financial security and professional recognition, he was still pursued by doubts about his work. On 16 March 1956 he wrote,

I get side-tracked on copying documents that I hope (?) will someday help me and the weeks fly by and nothing is accomplished on the subject on which I am working. Then I get blue about the fact that I make no headway!

In September of the same year he wrote, “I enjoy the work and that’s a lot, but I would enjoy making a little progress.” Later he said of the Seigneurs de Nesle that “like Topsy it just grew and grew, and ended by being something I never dreamed of when I began. I let the subject lead me where it would.” In spite of his doubts, his notes show that the work advanced steadily, and the text was completed by June 1961.

The process of publication took longer than that of preparation, and his letters over the next decade, until 1971, when the book finally appeared, are filled with remarks showing that the thin-skinned Newman of the diary, quick to take offense and to assume bad will, was still alive within the outwardly reserved scholar. “The whole idea of my doing the work was absurd,” he wrote in October 1963, “but one always learns too late.” Three years later he believed the book would go to press early in 1967, and he expressed his gratitude to Pierre Legendre and Jean-François Lemarignier, who successively handled the French end of the matter. But as time went on, and delay followed delay, he became embittered both with them and with Joseph Strayer, who acted for the American Philosophical Society in co-publishing the work with the Société d’histoire du droit des pays flamands, picards, et wallons.74 He “blew up” at the society early in 1970 and in April of 1971 had
 [[ Print Edition Page No. xlviii ]] 
a lawyer write on his behalf “demanding exact information and adding that I intended to take legal action unless the book was printed in the near future.” This drastic step fortunately proved unnecessary, since the book was published later that year.

The Seigneurs de Nesle is undoubtedly Newman’s most important historical work and was recognized as such at the time it appeared. The only regret expressed by reviewers, aside from minor points, was the absence of any real generalizations outside the fifteen-page introduction, and even this absence was praised by Genicot as showing the real diversity of life in the Middle Ages. “Certainly [there were] parallels, seen here in the place of the aristocracy in the ruling circles of the church. But beside or underneath them, what divergences! Let this discourage you from still seeking to discover general traits.” The book really consists of two works: one a collection of documents drawn from fifty-five collections, and the other a series of genealogical studies and charts based on the documents. In some ways the work appears to be almost as far as could be from what might be expected from a student of Marc Bloch and the Strasbourg school of the 1930s, and Newman doubtless went out of his way, as in his previous books, to minimize the debt. His book owed its success not only to its detailed scholarship, however, but also to the fact that it was inspired by a largely tacit sense of the importance in the study of medieval history of local societies, noble prosopography, and the close interrelation of family and institutions in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.

Newman in his published writings was a nominalist, and he found it easier to confront big questions in private than in public. Among his papers is a small sheet written on both sides, like the “Possible Subjects” cited above, entitled “Some Ideas for a study of ‘noblesse de l’église’ au XII-XIIIe s.” Much of the first side is crossed out with two large crosses, perhaps because he felt the points listed there were covered in the Seigneurs de Nesle, but it is still of interest.

Take just 2 diocèses Noyon and Soissons.

  • What abbeys and chapters were especially patronized by what families?
  • Were there several families as benefactors at the same period?
  • Did these families consistently put their sons and daughters in these monasteries? And did some of their children enter other houses?
  • Was there a difference in this matter between abbeys and chapters of canons? Remember that canons were more [crossed out] (?) important in the XI-XII c. than abbeys.
  • The same question regarding the bishops and the cathedral chapter.

After a series of particular questions he continued:

  • This should be viewed as a chapter in the history of the noblesse. There was a lay noblesse and an ecclesiastical noblesse. What relationship?
     [[ Print Edition Page No. xlix ]] 
  • What light does this throw on the monarchy and its relation to bishoprics and abbeys? Was it different or parallel to that of the “petit noblesse de province”?
  • Was there a difference between the role of the grand noblesse and le petit noblesse? In England in the XII and early XIIIe s. monasteries were founded chiefly by le petit noblesse.
  • Les grand familles de commerce—comme à Arras—avaient-elles un rôle dans la noblesse de l’Eglise?
  • La noblesse de l’Eglise et l’erudition—did any or many of the great minds come from them?
  • Basis of such study is correct genealogy of many (?) families or only a few. How many famillies for a bishopric?
  • This should also throw light on the extent to which the church and political life was local. If the monasteries and bishoprics were under local control or not. Even when the king or the duke or count—depending upon the region—had the right to refuse the elected candidate as bishop, did he accept on the whole the local candidate? When he did not do so, what was the reason—family ties or politics in the larger sense, or—?
  • Men such as Saint Bernard used their influence to have certain men selected as abbots. Did this really upset the picture of local family control or did they act within the sphere, recognizing the legitimate and necessary role of powerful families.
  • When one has made such a study does it show that monasteries recognized the “necessity” for local protection?
  • It is customary to say that the monarchy—and probably the dukes and counts—recruited their principal advisers from the clergy—bishops and abbots. There was also (especially after about 1160) the permanent lay (civil) servants, who knew the law and who as baillis, prévôts royaux, etc. administered the law. From what families were these people recruited? Ex. Beaumanoir etc. Did they represent—as is generally thought—a conscious force against localism in favor of centralization? If so was this a revolt against the local families (I doubt it, for local families were accepted as the normal thing).

A document like this makes the reader regret that Newman did not address these questions in the Seigneurs de Nesle. His published works, like his visible life, were marked by a reticence which gives an appearance of calmness and solidity, but it was the product of an inner questioning and speculation which give his works a broader significance than appears on the surface.

Newman was certainly gratified by the success of the Seigneurs de Nesle, though the struggle over its publication reopened some old wounds and left its own scars. In July 1971 he wrote, “If it had not been for my ms. life would have been nearly ideal here except a little lonely, as I know almost no one.” In the long run he felt both relieved and encouraged, and in his 1972 Christmas letter he said that “once my Sgs de Nesle was published, I relaxed and became a different being.” Earlier that year he wrote:


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Since my book arrived on Feb. 1st, I got up enough courage to haul down from the top closet shelf my ms. on “The Dignitairies of the Cathedral of Amiens”. The research was completed before I left Paris in April 1972 [recte 1963] (that seems like ages and ages ago). And with much effort succeeded in revising the 120 notes and typing them, then did likewise for the genealogy of the Heilly family which played such a big rôle in the chapter in the 12th century, and thirdly I somehow hammered out a few pages of introduction. Ah! After 9 years of not writing French except in a few letters, it was tough going.

This work was published, at Newman’s own expense, under the supervision of his friend Nicolas Huyghebaert. Presumably at about the same time he wrote his article on the charter from St-Crépin-le-Grand at Soissons, which appeared in the Revue Mabillon in 1973. This was his last scholarly work, aside from the cartularies of St-Fursy, Homblières, and Mont-St-Quentin, which were all completed many years before his death.

The Cartulary of Homblières

Charters lay at the basis of all Newman’s historical writing, and there was no type of source he loved more than a cartulary. At times he was a bit fearful of the attractions of collecting charters. “I don’t get down to really study enough anymore,” he wrote in May 1931, “that business of copying charters and looking through books for them developed a bad habit of semi-attention to what I was doing.” Soon after taking his degree, in February 1937, he said that working on the chronology of the charters for the Catalogue was bad “both for reputation and for imagination,” though he thought it was what he did best. Anyone who has worked on medieval charters will understand what Newman meant, and also why he succumbed so easily to their charms. “A cartulaire is always welcome,” he wrote in January 1932, after buying two that he did not particularly need.

I am quite convinced that documents are the thing to buy; one reads a book and seldom rereads or refers to it—unless it is something special and one is working on the same field, and usually one can take full notes and be done—but one rereads documents 10 or 15 times and refers to them again and again.

When he began buying books again, in November 1948, and received some volumes of uninteresting memoires, he wrote, “It is the old story; they are nice to have and one learns something but the money would have been better spent on Latin texts.”

Newman’s interest in charters inevitably brought him to the study of forgeries, upon which he later hoped to write an article or monograph. A discussion about some charters with Bloch in February 1932 aroused, or rearoused, his suspicions about other charters: “I feel it necessary to investigate. But that takes time.” In December of that year he for the first time expressed a desire to edit a cartulary. “I wish I could edit the charters of one
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of the important monasteries of Loiret as La Cour Dieu, Micy St Mesmin, St Euvert, St Liphard de Meung.” Almost the only moments of scholarly pleasure which he had during his years of work on his theses were from charters, and these included some pure joy in addition to the satisfaction of scoring off other scholars. In February 1933 he commented,

Had good luck. Found a copie (XIe ou XIIe s) of a charte published by Prou—he did not know the copy. Found a fine copy of a charter I had been working on and wish to publish—the copy unknown to Luchaire. Found a charter unknown to Luchaire. Quite a day’s work!

Later that year, when he began working on the original charters of Robert the Pious, he simply commented, “It was a joy to have them in my hands.”

As time went on Newman became increasingly convinced that his scholarly forte lay in cataloging and studying medieval documents, and he developed more positive plans for editing a cartulary. In October 1934, after his depressing interview with Halphen—when he was considering publishing his two books independently if no university would accept them as theses for a degree—he wrote, “I’ll let the future take care of itself—may go into modern history, may edit a cartulaire.” In conjunction with “Man’s Place in Institutions,” which he composed in his mind in April 1935, he also “composed a discourse to myself on the value of indications of lost charters for history,”75 and in June of that year he expressed a rare note of satisfaction with his own work when he said, “Catalogues can be very important, they are seldom well done” and, a few days later, “My catalogue, I consider a good piece of work.” His most serious hesitation about editing a cartulary was his fear of linguistic and palaeographical inadequacy. “If ever I learn enough latin to edit easily; I shall have no more trouble,” he wrote in October 1936. By the mid-1930s Newman’s interests had begun to concentrate geographically in northeastern France, and especially the regions of Picardy, Vermandois, and Laon. Ten of the thirteen “Possible Subjects” on the list compiled about 1937 dealt with this area, and three of them were collections of charters. In March 1937, when he was touring provincial libraries looking for charters before returning to the United States, he wrote,

I have a tendency to forget my real object here and lose myself in all sorts of interesting charters of the period. . . . I cannot understand why someone has not published and worked on these precious actes of the XIth century—it is a great neglect and I may find my real life’s work right there.

The cartulary of Homblières is first mentioned in the diary in late February 1936,76 when he referred to copying the charters of Homblières published
 [[ Print Edition Page No. lii ]] 
by Melville and by Colliette and remarked, “I don’t know whether it is worth reëditing them or not. . . . I must count how many are inédit and to what degree they offer a real study.”77 He returned to the subject at the end of this entry, much of which dealt with “a very disagreeable letter from Mother,” a painful memory of a quarrel between his parents, and his bitterness against Vercauteren, for misleading him about the new edition of Gams, and against his professors. He concluded, “Tomorrow I can decide whether it is worthwhile studying the chartes of Homblières,” but he in fact remained in a state of indecision for several days, during which he estimated the number of unedited charters and looked especially for forgeries, of which he thought there must be many among the charters from the second half of the tenth century.78 On 2 March he was still doubtful in view of the number of published acts, but the following day, when he found a few more early unpublished charters, he decided to go ahead, remarking that “anyhow I need something to keep me busy just now.” It was a settled matter by 7 March, when he was in a hopeful mood after finding that his finances were in better order than he feared: “The next year will be excellent for me—if all goes well—I shall print 2 books, prepare the small cartulaire, gather material for another study and also try to learn more latin and German.”

This feeling of euphoria evaporated as the extent and difficulty of the task became clear. The work on the cartulary so wore Newman out that on 10 March he went to bed with a headache, and on 25 March, after discovering that two more acts were published, he wrote:

It is good for me that I have this work that I can do and so divert my mind from my theses, but I am nevertheless a bit tormented at not having found a real subject in history. I like editing but I am not as well fitted for it as I am for history. It is well to edit this small cartulaire; I have long wished to do such a piece of work but I should have some subject in history at the same time.

In the following weeks he puzzled over the sources of the published texts, which he believed Halphen had got wrong, and the never ending problems of place names, especially Cauviniacus, and on 5 April he commented that “The cartulaire will take much more work than I had counted on, but that doesn’t make any difference.” At that time he was waiting for photographs of the manuscripts, which he had in hand by 24 June, when he recorded that their total expense was 2,118 francs.79 There are occasional further references to the cartulary during his final year in Europe. Most of them deal with the amount of work and the problems encountered, especially in dating the
 [[ Print Edition Page No. liii ]] 
charters, and occasionally with his doubts over the wisdom of spending his time editing, as he wrote on 7 March 1937,

instead of writing history, certainly it is very difficult to make a reputation in that way—reputation does not interest me but with it comes less teaching, more pay and more time for research.

A month later a crisis arose when Newman discovered that he had lost some notes at Beauvais three days before he sailed, and the shadow this cast over his spirits lasted until he almost miraculously recovered them in June. “This is the best thing possible, much better than getting a job.”80

There is no further reference to the cartulary for almost ten years, but in late February 1947, after he had moved to Seattle and began to realize that he would not find employment there, he wrote, “If I had my notes, I could at least put the cartulary in shape for publication but there is no way to get them.” Three weeks later, in mid-March, he again wrote, “If I had my library and notes, I could at least work on my cartulary and also get the ms for the bibliography of cartularies into tentative shape.” The cartulary was in the front of his mind as his interest in historical research revived, and after his books and notes had arrived in October 1948 he “began looking at my notes gathered for the Cartulary of N.-D. d’Homblières and other material of the diocese of Noyon, Laon etc.” His heart clearly sank, however.

As I looked at some transcriptions of mss charters with unresolved abbreviations, I felt that I could never go back to that sort of thing. I never was 1st rate at paleography, and I felt a beaten old man. . . . I would probably be happier away from scholarship in an active life.

But the following day he decided to go ahead with the edition, perhaps getting someone to check the more difficult abbreviations, and a month later, on 21 November, after looking at some of his notes on roads and on the charters he “decided I must work each day on Homblières and thus finally finish it, and never again try to edit.” Two days of this strict regime proved enough, however, and on 23 November he wrote, “Sometimes I wonder why I feel obliged to go on with this sort of work—chiefly because I have never found anything else to do.”

The cartulary of Homblières is mentioned in at least twenty-five entries between November 1948 and January 1950, which reflect the progress of the work and Newman’s feelings about it. In mid-December 1948 he wrote, “This is hopelessly slow work and in fact it will take me a year at this rate and I cannot keep at it so steadily for it will get stale on me.” He was working in January on a charter “that has been giving me much trouble,” in February on the bull of 1124, in May on the bull of 1169 (“which I have dreaded for
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months”), in August on the charter of 1251 and another late charter in which he was not particularly interested, and in September on a troublesome charter of 1285 (of which he decided to publish only an analysis, in order to save time) and on the 1291 charter. “I shall be relieved when this editing job is done,” he wrote on 4 September, and two days later he expressed a common feeling of scholars when he said, “It is warm tonight, the full moon is beautiful from where I write but I must stick to transcribing the 1292 [1291] charter—just why I do not know.” Later that month he discovered a new eleventh-century charter which had to be dated and inserted in its proper place, but by mid-October he had done all he could before going to France, and he began to think of new projects.

Meanwhile he had been working on a series of special problems arising out of the charters. In July he was puzzled by a single abbreviation which he found in four charters, and in August he examined a list of mansi on which he could not comment “for regardless of how I analysis it, its purpose is not clear to me.” Even after he had done what he could with the texts, he had to study general questions, such as how the cartulary was compiled and when it was written. Late in October

I sat down at my desk and worked until 1:15 studying the order in which the charters had been copied in the cartulary; heretofore I had not been able to make head or tails of it; the thing became clear as I made a list of the chief object of each document; they were grouped by subject matter, i.e. altars together, tithes together, etc. It all requires hours of work to determine; so much of human life is just that.

When on the following day he studied his work “on the order in which acts were copied in the cartulary, it didn’t prove much of anything, so I typed about 3/4 of a page about it, and that is that.” He worked on the tables until mid-November, and finally, after a month of worries over his own health and a friend’s dishonesty, he got to the index, which he typed up in January. “Early this evening finished typing the index,” he wrote on 21 January 1950, “heaven be praised.” Since the diary ends two weeks later, when Newman left Seattle for France, it throws no further light on his edition of the cartulary of Homblières. It is possible that the edition was destroyed in the bonfire of “notes, copies of medieval documents, etc. all taken before August 1952 (date when I left Seattle for good for France)” and that the work was redone while he was in France and then survived the bonfire of September 1963, which included “a huge pile of notes concerning Med. Hist.—everything I had except the many transcriptions of charters taken since Sept. 1952.” More probably he kept the material because it was so nearly ready for publication.

Two considerations may explain why he failed to take the final step of publishing it himself. The first is that in spite of the long period between the inception of the project and its completion, he in fact worked on it only during
 [[ Print Edition Page No. lv ]] 
the two periods from March 1936 until April 1937 (when he was also completing, publishing, and defending his theses) and from October 1948 until January 1950, and this may have been too little time given the size of the job. The second and related consideration is Newman’s doubts about his ability to carry out a task requiring a high degree of technical training. Though Newman enjoyed editing and dating charters more than most types of historical research, he was acutely aware of his lack of formal preparation and of the deficiencies in his knowledge of Latin and of palaeography. The project to publish the cartulary of Homblières was therefore to some extent a paradigm of Newman’s other historical undertakings, into which he felt he was drawn to some extent against his will and by circumstances beyond his control. While he started with enthusiasm, partly because he needed something to do, the project rapidly became an incubus, and he was not fully satisfied with the result.81 He stuck with the project, however, which was in effect the springboard for his work on the lords of Nesle and the cathedral chapter of Amiens. In publishing the cartulary at this time, therefore, almost exactly fifty years after Newman began to work on it, we are presenting a work which was close to his heart for over forty years, and one which forms the principal link between his early work on the royal domain and the acts of Robert II and his mature work on northeastern France in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.

Bibliography of William Mendel Newman
Printed Works

1929

  • The Kings The Court And The Royal Power In France In The Eleventh Century. (Université de Toulouse: Faculté des Lettres Année 1928-1929.) Toulouse: Imprimerie Henri Cléder. Pp. xix, 162.82
  • Review:83 F. M. P[owicke], in English Historical Review 47 (1932), 149.

 [[ Print Edition Page No. lvi ]] 

1937

  • Le domaine royal sous les premiers capétiens (987-1180). Paris: Recueil Sirey. Pp. xxiii, 276, 5 maps.
  • Catalogue des actes de Robert II roi de France. Paris: Recueil Sirey. Pp. xxxii, 211.
  • Reviews: Marc Bloch, in Annales d’histoire économique et sociale 10 (1938), 260-261 (Domaine).
  • J. W. Bosch, in Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis 15 (1936-1937), 482-485 (Domaine).
  • Jan Dhondt, in Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire 17 (1938), 323-326 (Catalogue) and 326-331 (Domaine).
  • Philip Grierson, in English Historical Review 53 (1938), 691-694 (Domaine and Catalogue).
  • Louis Halphen, in Revue historique 187 (1939), 115-116 (Catalogue).
  • Robert Latouche, in Revue des questions historiques 66 (1938), 103-105 (Catalogue).
  • Jean-François Lemarignier, in Le Moyen Age 49 (3 series, 10; 1939), 49-54 (Domaine and Catalogue).
  • Emile Lesne, in Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique 34 (1938), 108-109 (Domaine and Catalogue).
  • Ferdinand Lot, in Journal des Savants, 1938, pp. 5-15 (Domaine).
  • B. A. Pocquet du Haut-Jussé, in Revue d’histoire de l’église de France 24 (1938), 78-79 (Domaine).
  • Joseph R. Strayer, in American Historical Review 43 (1937-1938), 186-187 (Domaine and Catalogue).
  • G[aston] Z[eller], in Revue d’Alsace 84 (1937), 467-469.

1949

  • Review of Jan Dhondt, Etudes sur la naissance des principautés territoriales en France (IXe-Xe siècle), in Speculum 24:117-119.
  • Review of Louis Dupraz, Le royaume des Francs et l’ascension politique des maires du palais au déclin du VIIe siècle (656-680), in Speculum 24:427-428.

1953

  • “Pontlevoy et le domaine royal,” Bibliothèque de l’Ecole des Chartes 111:234-235.

1965

  • Review of George T. Beech, A Rural Society in Medieval France: The Gâtine of Poitou in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries, in Speculum 40:123.
  • Review of Sydney M. Brown, trans., The Register of Eudes of Rouen, in Speculum 40:493-496.

 [[ Print Edition Page No. lvii ]] 

1966

  • Review of Jean-François Lemarignier, Le gouvernement royal aux premiers temps capétiens (987-1108), in Speculum 41:551-553.

1967

  • Review of Charles T. Wood, The French Apanages and the Capetian Monarchy, 1224-1328, in Speculum 42:217-218.

1970

  • Review of Robert Fossier, La terre et les hommes en Picardie jusqu’à la fin du XIIIe siècle, in Speculum 45:467-470.

1971

  • Les seigneurs de Nesle en Picardie (XIIe-XIIIe siècle). Leurs chartes et leur histoire. (Bibliothèque de la Société d’histoire du droit des pays flamands, picards et wallons, 27.) Paris: A. et J. Picard. (Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society, 91, pt. 1.) Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society. 2 vols. Pp. 359, 431, 36 genealogical charts, 1 map.
  • Reviews: John Benton, in Speculum 49 (1974), 135-138 (with Personnel).
  • Jacques Boussard, in Journal des Savants, 1973, pp. 303-305.
  • Luc Dubar, in Cahiers de civilisation médiévale 17 (1974), 174-175.
  • Georges Duby, in Revue historique 252 (1974), 483-484.
  • Jean-Marie Duvosquel, in Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire 52 (1974), 468-469.
  • Guy Fourquin, in Revue du Nord 56 (1974), 101-104.
  • Léopold Genicot, in Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique 67 (1972), 436-442.
  • Roger Howell, Jr., in Erasmus 25 (1973), 821-823.
  • Jean Lestocquoy, in Revue d’histoire de l’église de France 67 (1972), 365-367.
  • Dietrich Lohrmann, in Deutsches Archiv 29 (1973), 562-566.

1972

  • Le personnel de la cathédrale d’Amiens (1066-1306). Paris: A. et J. Picard, Pp. 55.
  • Reviews: See Benton above.
  • Jacques Pycke, in Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique 69 (1974), 272-273.

1973

  • “L’acte de Téulfe pour Saint-Crépin-le-Grand de Soissons (1135),” Revue Mabillon 58:165-175.

 [[ Print Edition Page No. lviii ]] 

1977

  • (with Mary A. Rouse) Charters of St-Fursy of Péronne. (Mediaeval Academy of America, Publication 85.) Cambridge, Mass.: Mediaeval Academy of America. Pp. xxiv, 173.
  • Reviews: Michel Bur, in Annales de l’Est, 5 series, 31 (1979), 86-87.
  • Bernard Delmaire, in Revue du Nord 61 (1979), 706-707.
  • Alain Dierkens, in Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire 62 (1984), 886-887.
  • Lucie Fossier, in Bibliothèque de l’Ecole des Chartes 138 (1980), 120-121.84
  • Antonio García y García, in Revista española de derecho canónico 35 (1979), 218.
  • A[lfred] G[awlick], in Deutsches Archiv 36 (1980), 224-225.
  • Frederick Hockey, in Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique 73 (1978), 798-799. (See also Nicolas Huyghebaert, ibid., 75 [1980], 197.)
  • Attilio Bartoli Langeli, in Studi medievali, 3 series, 20 (1979), 683-685.
  • Jean-Loup Lemaître, in Revue d’histoire de l’église de France 14 (1978), 271-272.
  • Dietrich Lohrmann, in Historische Zeitschrift 229 (1979), 414-415.
  • D[aniel] M[isonne], in Revue bénédictine 88 (1978), 332-333.
  • W. Prevenier, in Le Moyen Age 87 (1981), 131-133.

Posthumous Publications

  • (with Theodore Evergates and Giles Constable) The Cartulary and Charters of Notre-Dame of Homblières. (Medieval Academy Books, 97.) Cambridge, Mass.: Medieval Academy of America, 1990. Pp. lx, 308.
  • (with Mary A. Rouse) Charters of Mont-Saint-Quentin. In preparation.

Manuscript Works

  • Diary in 9 volumes:
  • 1. 1 January 1919-31 December 1924 (3½″ by 6″) “A Line a Day: A Condensed Comparative Record for Five Years.”
  • 2. 1 January-31 December 1924 (4¼″ by 5¾″) “Year Book 1924.”
     [[ Print Edition Page No. lix ]] 
  • 3. 1 October-31 December 1920 (at end) and 1 January-31 December 1931 (5¾″ by 8¼″) “Agenda de Bureau 1931.”
  • 4. 1 January-31 December 1932 (5¼″ by 8″) “Agenda de Bureau pour 1932.”
  • 5. 1 January 1933-31 December 1934 (6″ by 9½″) “Agenda de Bureau pour 1933” (two years entered one above each other.)
  • 6. 1 January 1935-31 December 1937 (6¼″ by 10¼″) blank lined paper with 1935, 1936, and 15 March-31 December 1937 entered approximately above each other and 1 January-14 March 1937 at end.
  • 7. 1 January 1938-17 February 1943 (7¼″ by 11½″) “Standard Blank Book” of 500 pages, with 1938-1941 entered above each other and 1941-17 February 1943 at end.
  • 8. 18 February 1943-11 November 1947 (7½″ by 12″) “Standard Blank Book” of 500 pages with consecutive entries and three entries for 18 September 1967, 1 January 1968, and 13 January 1968.
  • 9. 12 November 1947-3 February 1950 (7½″ by 12″) “ ‘End-Bound’ Account Books” of 500 pages, with consecutive entries on pp. 1-220.

5 packages and 1 folder of Notes for the Seigneurs de Nesle:

  • Bibliographies
  • Charters
  • Genealogies
  • Miscellaneous notes and transcripts (3)

36 envelopes of transcripts of monastic charters and analyses of cartularies, primarily for the twelfth and thirteenth centuries:

  • Abbaye-au-Bois
  • Amiens, St-Firmin
  • Hôtel-Dieu
  • Arrouaise (2)
  • Bertaucourt
  • Cantimpré
  • Cercamp
  • Eaucourt
  • Fervaques
  • Foigny
  • Homblières
  • Laon, St-Martin
  • Laon, St-Vincent
  • Lihons
  • Longpont
  • Nogent-sous-Coucy
  • Noyon, St-Bartholomew
  • Noyon, St-Eligius
  • Ourscamp
  • Péronne, St-Fursy
  • Péronne, Hôtel-Dieu
  • St-Acheul-lès-Amiens
  • St-André-au-Bois
  • St-Fuscien-au-Bois
  • St-Jean-au-Bois
  • St-Josse-sur-Mer
  • St-Martin-aux-Jumeaux
  • St-Paul-aux-Bois
  • St-Quentin, St-Prix
  • St-Quentin-en-l’Isle
  • Soissons, St-Crispin
  • Soissons, St-Gervase
  • Soissons, St-Medard
  • Tronquoy
  • Valloires
  • Vauclair

 [[ Print Edition Page No. lx ]] 

7 envelopes of notes on dioceses:

  • Amiens
  • Beauvais and Senlis
  • Laon
  • Noyon (2)
  • Soissons (2)

1 envelope each:

  • transcripts of charters of the châtelains of Noyon and Thourotte
  • lists of charters in the Collection Moreau
  • lists of bishops and members of chapters
  • lists of abbots
  • notes on cathedral chapters
  • genealogies
  • miscellaneous notes taken when Newman was in Brussels
  • charters of Archbishop Samson of Rheims (and a folder of photostats)

Materials for the cartulary of Homblières:

  • typescript
  • photostats of H 588
  • photostats of B.N. lat. 13911
  • photostats of charters 117-119, 124, 126-128, and 130-132 and 3 other charters not for Homblières

Typescript of cartulary of Arrouaise

6 packages of slips (2½″ by 4″) of bibliographies, notes for Seigneurs de Nesle and Homblières and for Italian and Belgian cartularies

1 package of miscellaneous material mostly from Newman’s youth

This memoir is based primarily on Newman’s papers listed above, pp. lviii-lx, especially his diary, which is deposited in the Houghton Library at Harvard University, MS Storage 243, together with an annotated copy of this memoir showing the dates for each reference to the diary. He destroyed many letters in 1945, when he moved to Seattle, and had two big bonfires of notes, one in 1952, before going to France, and another in 1967, after his return. His only surviving personal papers are a few letters (including eleven written between 1918 and 1926) and odd notes and bills preserved in the diary or in books from his library. Among his scholarly papers (which remain in my possession and are at the disposition of interested scholars) are several fragments of letters used as scrap paper, which throw some light on his life in the 1950s and early 1960s. For his later life I have also used some personal letters to myself and to Professor John Baldwin, of The Johns Hopkins University, who has kindly put them at my disposal. A few printed sources have been used, including several Harvard class reports, of which copies were sent me by Dr. Harley Holden, the curator of the Harvard University Archives. I am indebted for reading the manuscript and for helpful comments to John Baldwin, Theodore Evergates, Ann and Paul Meyvaert, and members of my family. A shortened version of this memoir was presented at the meeting of the Medieval Academy of America in Albuquerque, N.M., on 18 April 1986.

Endnotes

 [1 ] See the list of Newman’s printed works on pp. lv-lviii, where the reviews which are quoted below are cited.

 [2 ] Newman copied this review and inserted it into his copy of The Kings. Ferdinand Lot was more severe in his review of Le domaine, which he considered “très supérieur au livre précédent du même auteur, The Kings, the court and the royal power in France in the eleventh century (1929), lequel n’ajoute rien d’essentiel aux Institutions de Luchaire.”

 [3 ] He made arrangements before his death for the publication of Mont-St-Quentin. The typescript of Arrouaise is deposited with Professor L. Milis of the University of Ghent.

 [4 ] See the description below, pp. lviii-lix. There is no diary for 1925-1930, but the facts that he referred to getting a new diary in a letter dated 1 January 1925 and that he picked up in medias res on 1 October 1930 suggest that it is lost rather than unwritten. Owing to the method in several volumes of devoting a single page (or part of a page) to a day, long entries are frequently broken up into continuations written in blank spaces elsewhere (usually earlier) in the diary. The entry for 29 September 1934 has nine extensions. Except for a few entries for 1930, the diary is written in English but French words and constructions creep in from time to time. The quotations in this memoir are exactly as Newman wrote them (without “sic” for misspellings or errors) except for the expansion of abbreviations such as “+”, “∴”, “ex.”, and “yr.,” the standardization of the spelling of “medi(a)eval,” and some extra punctuation. Newman occasionally put “me” where he meant “him” (as in a letter of 23 November 1971, when he wrote “you are free to tell me what I have written”). Among his characteristic spellings were “dispair,” “hugh” (huge), “icecycle,” “incite” (insight), “indescent,” “ritch,” “suspitioned,” “sufisticated,” and “tuitor.” Among his favorite terms of like and dislike were “dandy,” “pretty” (of clothing), “disgust” (“discust”), “fool,” “peculiar,” and “ugly.”

 [5 ] There are significant gaps in 1936, 1938, 1939, 1943, 1944, 1945 (a very sparse year, filling only thirty-four pages), and 1947. He usually made collective entries for trips and voyages, as he did for 25 November to 11 December 1943, after his mother’s death.

 [6 ] Since the diary for 1925-1930 is missing, very little is known about Newman’s life during these years. In the preface to Le domaine he thanked Edgar H. McNeal “pour les heures si agréables que nous avons passées en toute intimité avec lui sur des textes du moyen âge, lors de notre séjour comme ‘instructor’ à Ohio State University,” and he referred in the diary more than once, sometimes with pride, to his teaching at Ohio State. He never mentioned his time in Iowa, but in a letter dated 16 March 1956, when I myself was teaching in Iowa, Newman wrote, “I enjoyed my year there and found both faculty and students very human and refreshing, more so than anywhere else I have taught.” For information concerning Newman’s appointments at these universities, I am indebted to Professors Donald Sutherland of the University of Iowa and Joseph Lynch of Ohio State University.

 [7 ] Newman wrote after hearing of Bloch’s death in March 1947: “I wonder whether I am not his only doctoral student; I know I was the first and that was 1937, the war came soon and I doubt anyone’s having completed a thesis in the meantime, of course he may have inherited candidates from his predecessor but that is another thing.” Enquiries in several quarters have failed to clarify the question of Bloch’s students. Various scholars, including André Déléage and Robert Boutruche, mention Bloch in the prefaces to their theses, but not in such a way as to indicate that he was responsible for the initiation and direction of the work.

 [8 ] The texts of these advertisements, which make no reference to his European degrees or published books, have been verified through the kindness of Professor C. W. Bynum of the University of Washington. Newman described himself in the first as “Also experienced in research in economic history,” presumably because he hoped it would appeal to businessmen, and perhaps because he was interested in business- and labor-history and thought of teaching in the Business School or Industrial Relations Institute of the University of Washington. He also considered entering the tourist business, running a camp for summer vacationists, and buying and selling china.

 [9 ] Among Newman’s papers is a printed slip dated 16 May 1931 to be inserted into “your copy of Genealogy of the Newman Family,” but I have been unable to find this work. The account here is therefore reconstructed from numerous entries in Newman’s diary and a few letters written after his parents died.

 [10 ] In addition to entries in Newman’s diary and fragments of letters among his notes, I have made use of “A Yaleman and a Communist,” Fortune 28/5 (November 1943), 146-148 and 212-218, which primarily concerns Joseph’s successor as president of Emerson. Requests for information from Emerson Electric have not been answered, but I am indebted to Professor Steven Rowan of the University of Missouri-St. Louis for information on the various companies with which Joseph was concerned.

 [11 ] On 24 December 1932 he wrote that he had not been home for Christmas “since 1918 until I went to work for myself,” that is, in 1926 in Iowa, when he was presumably so close to home that he could not refuse, without openly breaking with his parents. Newman expressed more affection for them after they died than when they were alive. Among other things, he put up their photograph in his room, which he had not done for years (24 December 1943).

 [12 ] Some fragmentary letters from Joseph among Newman’s notes are signed “With fondest love,” “Devotedly,” “Affectionately, as ever,” and show not only that the brothers remained in touch (and on better terms than William suggests) until at least 1960 but also that Joseph was responsible for some of William’s financial affairs when he was in France.

 [13 ] This covered everything, including books, clothes, presents, and travel. He estimated at one point that he spent 7 percent of his income on books. He regularly sent his mother presents of embroidered handkerchiefs, of which a dozen cost 174 francs, about as much as the monthly rent of his room in Strasbourg: see 14 December 1931 and 28 September 1932. When traveling he rarely spent more than $2 a day. At Orléans in 1932 he spent 15 francs for a room, 19 for lunch (which he considered too much), and 12 for dinner. The 86 francs he spent for the cartulary of Ste-Croix of Orléans (including binding) represented his living costs for two days. The cost of printing his two theses ($740) would have supported him for two years in Belgium.

 [14 ] In a single year, 1946-1947, the labor force at White-Rodgers declined from 1,400 to 500, or by a later estimate from 1,700 to 200. Automatic Control paid nothing in 1947, 1948, and 1949: see 29 November 1946, 13 August 1947 (“This business decline means that I overestimated my income by about 12 or 13 thousand dollars”), 30 November 1947, and 3 January 1950. When the Newman Mercantile Company paid off a note, he called it “a severe cut in my income” (29 December 1947), and on 3 January 1950 he wrote, “Checks came from Newman’s; they did not declare any common stock dividends in the store.”

 [15 ] I am indebted for this and other information about Newman’s finances to Donald Bade, the comptroller of Phillips Academy. Andover used $640,000 of its bequest to establish the William M. Newman Teaching Foundation. Some fragments of documents among Newman’s notes from the 1950s show that he also owned stock in Crown Zellerbach and Harbor Plywood.

 [16 ] In 1934 Newman said that he was “ ‘of no church’ but by race a Jew.” He referred to “the abserdity of religion” while he was still at school (1 May 1919) and disagreed with his mother on the subject when he was in college (28 July 1924). “The modern world must creat a modern religion,” he wrote on 14 December 1932. He once wanted to go to temple when he was in Strasbourg but felt it would be wrong to take a place on a holiday, and on 12 September 1942 he wrote that he attended no services because he was not “raised in the Church.”

 [17 ] He apparently suffered from no prejudice at Andover or Harvard, where he refused to attend a smoker at a Jewish fraternity because he disliked fraternities and smokers, not because it was Jewish. While he was a student he accused Harvard of snobbishness and exclusiveness (cf. 31 May 1924), but not of anti-Semitism. The entry of 14 October 1932—“I despise the group of N. Y. Jews who are in this house”—is characteristic of a number of entries when he was living in Paris in 1931-1932, but see also the opinion on Marc Bloch in 15 November 1940 (see n. 54 below). In an interesting entry on Jews in America written on 4 May 1940 he wrote, “It is simply a minority question and all minorities everywhere in the world are in a like situation,” and went on to stress that Jews should be something more positive than simply non-Christians.

 [18 ] The first reference in the diary to “race prejudice” at Michigan was on 15 February 1938, and it is mentioned in at least eight other entries in February, March, May, June, and December 1938. He told a student “that one must belong to the right church to get a job here,” and at the 1938 meeting of the American Historical Association he told two colleagues that the members of the history department at Michigan “simply don’t want Jews or Catholics.”

 [19 ] In 1939 he told a student that “his being a Jew would cut him off from most places,” and he cited in his diary a letter from an educational placement agency “saying it was impossible for them to place a Jew” and the report of a professor who, when he tried to place a student at Princeton, “was told that they could not take another Jew.” In Seattle he inquired from Henry Lucas about the possibility of teaching at the University of Washington, but he gave up when he heard that other appointments had been made, commenting that “It is probably the same thing as at Michigan; he probably doesn’t want a Jew.”

 [20 ] It has proved impossible to identify this paragon, in spite of the help of Professor Charles Brand of Bryn Mawr.

 [21 ] The diary includes countless references to young men who are variously described as “handsome,” “clean-cut,” “cute,” “nice,” “good-looking,” “nice-looking,” “fine-looking,” “well-built,” “nicely-built,” “fine-built,” or “athletic” and whom Newman longed to meet and befriend. He was thrilled when a handsome man pressed against him in the Métro in 1933 and when a stranger whom he admired in a train steadied himself by putting his hand on his shoulder in 1936: “That was little, but it was wonderful to me, it seemed to [? so] gentle and kindly.”

 [22 ] He rarely smoked and drank—he had his first cognac in 1932—and repeatedly expressed his disgust for the human body. “I have no desire to have sexual intercourse with a man any more than with a woman,” he wrote in 1934, adding “and doubt very much if I could do so even if I tried.” He resented the inhibitions of which he felt himself to be a victim, however, and envied the greater sexual freedom of men in Europe than in America. When on 17 February 1939 he copied “some unusually frank expressions of sexual desires” in the men’s room of Boylston Hall at Harvard, he commented: “It is notable that none mention women. In France, these boys would do what they wanted and therefore less of that would occur, though some such writings I have seen in French U’s also.” It is clear from several entries that he questioned his acquaintances at Harvard about their private lives.

 [23 ] “Fortunately at least women do not interest me,” he wrote at a moment of depression in 1931, “and even with men I want a wholesome clean sort,” and in 1942, “I always like men who turn out to be very normal and like the society of women.” On the other hand, he was inevitably attracted to some men of bad character. “A bright Irish boy of 25” whom he met in St. Louis assumed “that since he steals and sleeps with women, everyone does,” and “a nice enough lad” whom he met in a park in Seattle “turned out to be not so much a gentleman. That is the trouble with almost all one meets in a park.” He was twice mugged in St. Louis (29 April 1945 and 23 June 1946), the second time as a result of an injudicious conversation in a park.

 [24 ] He wrote on 9 January 1946 that his “1 and only satisfaction” out of his work at St. Louis was having employed “some mighty fine men in office and plant,” and on 23 March that “The men seemed to like the way I treated them, because I was actually interested in them. It is in line with the help I tried to give a certain number of young men around Harvard, only as an individual it is too difficult.” In a letter dated 30 March 1972, stressing the importance of personality, he referred to his work as a personnel manager: “It seemed easy enough to obtain men competent to do many jobs but their personality was so against them that they could not coöperate with others. . . . Not a few people get their heads turned because they have mastered a little technical knowledge (that applies to all walks of life).”

 [25 ] “He attracts me very much,” he wrote in 1931. “Only I must not lose my head, people never admire it.” The following year he met an Englishman (with whom he was to keep in touch for years), of whom he wrote, after their first meeting, “I like him entirely too well; he knows it even though I try not to show it.” With time he learned both to control his feelings better and to understand the reactions of others. To a man whom he met in a park in Seattle in 1947, and who hesitated when asked to dine with him, he said, “You understand, Roy, this is without any obligations of any sort. I am simply alone and will enjoy your companionship.”

 [26 ] He regretted in mid-June that he had “even mentioned the matter even casually in my letter [to his parents] but I did say that I had refused and did not think it proper to room with a boy of 18.” He seems never to have associated this letter with “a terrible letter from Mother” which arrived in early July and told him to return at once with all his things. Newman’s parents, whatever their faults, lived more in the world than he did, and their knowledge of his proclivities doubtless heightened the tension between them and their son.

 [27 ] Newman described him as “not very honorable” within a few months of meeting him and a year later called him “a perfect little crook,” but he continued to help him. Dick left Harvard (which has no record of his later life) and went to Mexico, St. Paul (Minnesota), and later Portland (Oregon), where Newman last heard of him working, he thought, at a golf club. He clearly had both intelligence and charm, if not many scruples, and he is said to have appeared in Dorothy Baker’s Our Gifted Son (Boston, 1948), as Theodore Carpenter, who was depicted as a combination of enterprising plausibility and insensitive selfishness. He is the only one of Newman’s friends, to judge from the diary, who was prepared to have a physical relationship with him.

 [28 ] Newman was aware that this image was to a great extent of his own making: “He still remains the strongest emotional force in my life” (24 December 1941); “To me he is a faith” (21 April 1942); “His memory is still magic, still the most powerful guide that I have” (12 December 1942).

 [29 ] These include not only several terms which Newman used nowhere else (and which I would not have thought he even knew), but also some euphemisms, such as “personal” as a noun, and to “party” and “cut loose” as verbs, and occasionally “talk,” of which the precise meaning is uncertain, since he continued to have nonsexual meetings with men throughout this period. The frankness of these entries suggests that he concealed nothing in other entries concerning his relations with men.

 [30 ] Boswell’s Life of Johnson, ed. G. B. Hill (New York, 1891-1904), 4:36.

 [31 ] Newman copied on a slip of paper inserted into the diary for 1932 a passage from an article by Henry Adams in the Yale Review for October 1915 contrasting the two lives men must lead, “one in the world. . . . The other in ourselves, behind a veil. Not to be raised without disturbing both.”

 [32 ] He never gave the benefit of the doubt in the case of error. When Fernand Vercauteren told him that the Bollandists had a new edition of Gams, and they denied it, he was convinced they were lying, and when he later discovered the new edition was only a reprint, he called Vercauteren a liar and “a mere bluff.”

 [33 ] “I am very sensitive, very proud, very, very independent,” he wrote in July 1932, after receiving three letters from his parents, “—a mere suggestion that I need any suggestions or aid ruffles me beyond measure.” “It is unfortunate that I make a bad impression on everyone who does not know me well; I think Ganshof has taken acception to my aloofness” (14 February 1936).

 [34 ] He found the Roman de la Rose “vulgar and disgusting in passages, in others very interesting” and Gide “pure filth and nothing else.” Other books he disliked were Santayana’s Last Puritan (“one of the most awkward things I have read in a long time”), Waugh’s Brideshead Revisited (“a cheap serial for a trashy periodical”), Bromfield’s Few Brass Tacks (“worthless”), and Sitwell’s Left Hand, Right Hand (“a peculiar volume of pretentiousness”).

 [35 ] In 1933 he thought that the people at Andover were “giving themselves too many airs,” and in 1934 he objected to the new four-year history curriculum: “One needs solid mathematics and languages at that age.” See n. 17 above on Harvard.

 [36 ] The summaries of each of his years at Andover, in spite of his real love for the school, make sad reading. The first year proved that he “was not capable of honor work”; the second was “filled with the bitter disapointment that my ability is absolutely below that desired”; and the third “ended with deep depression and discouragement which was brought on by lack of higher success in school work.” On his graduation day in 1921 he wrote that “I have waited 3 years in vain for success,” and at the end of his first year at Harvard, “I wish to God I had a few brains.”

 [37 ] “I remarked that someday I would fall into a dream and never come out of it, for I dreamed, day dreamed more and more” (15 August 1942).

 [38 ] When he was living in St. Louis he thought of many places where he might live in the future, including Cambridge, a small New England town (“a peculiar place for a Jew”), the Midwest, and the far West, and he only gradually decided on Seattle. When he first went to Bellingham in 1947, he wrote, “this is no place for me, I am better off in Seattle,” but he liked it more when he went there later.

 [39 ] Early in 1947, after he had been there for less than a few months, he wrote, “I am happy out here, and if the cheques come through as I hope, I will continue to be independent and happy.” Later that year he described his first year in Seattle as happy, “though a bit lonely and totally unproductive,” but he could not forbear adding, “It could have been much better had people cared to make it so.” He liked some of the people with whom he worked on committees of the Harvard Club and Municipal League and once remarked, concerning his work for the Harvard Club, “Gosh, how lucky I am.”

 [40 ] In August 1945, when he was still in St. Louis, he wrote, “I do not have to return to scholarship, on the other hand I must think of the future and in 15 years I’ll be too old to do much in business, and I would still have my pottering around in scholarship if I kept it up.” He knew “how impossible my research in French History would be out there [in the state of Washington], yet I wish to go and resolve my problem there. If I could make friends and find a pleasant occupation, I would abandon the research.” A few months later, early in 1946, he wrote, “The years spent in History research were thrown away as they do not lead to anything.”

 [41 ] He went on: “The house is very modest, not at all what I would have built, but it cost ever so much less.” He then described some of the changes he had made, and clearly derived satisfaction from finally having a place for his books and the furnishings he had bought and inherited from his parents.

 [42 ] His seventh-grade report card shows that he did better at grade school, where he got A’s in all subjects except writing, arithmetic, and drawing. This may have misled him, and his parents, with regard to his abilities. At Andover he was apparently held back after his first year but rejoined his class as a senior, when his work improved. His grades at Harvard were mostly C’s, with a few B’s. The first A he received was in Frederick Jackson Turner’s course on American history in the spring term of his junior year, when he was also put on probation for failing French—the language in which he later published three books.

 [43 ] Newman castigated Freeman (to whom he dedicated the Actes de Robert II) when he failed to write and especially when he married: “Of course I disapprove, at his time of life it is disgusting to me” (10 November 1934).

 [44 ] He also mentioned Maurice de Wulf, whose course he did not take. He later met E. K. Rand in Paris and saw him in Cambridge in the late 1930s. At that time he turned against McIlwain, whom he found “certainly not hospitable” (23 August 1939). He never liked Frederick Merk, one of whose lectures in the spring of 1924 he called “crazy” and of whose promotion he disapproved.

 [45 ] He wrote on 7 March 1937, after hearing of Haskins’s death, that “To me he was always kind and on the few occasions which we chatted, he put me at once at my ease and I could laugh and chat as with any older friend.” He went on to say, with a characteristic note of envy emphasized by a slip of the pen, that, “Great as his brain was, he owed much, very much, to his early education which gave me a sound knowledge of latin. . . . Many of us would be better than we are, if only we had been taught correctly the right things in our youth.”

 [46 ] Two days later, he wrote, “The past ages were influenced by what they knew, the present by what it does not know—my idea.”

 [47 ] He returned to this idea in a conversation on 12 April 1942: “I brought up the topic of childhood and youth—the ancients and medievals did not write about it; the 19th C. did.”

 [48 ] In November 1930 he wrote, “I think I made a mistake to leave U.S. history; I shall never be good in M[iddle] A[ges], though it interests me,” and in October 1931 he repeated that “I made a mistake from the practical point of view to enter Medieval History; it interests me but the language is too much for me.” Six years later, after taking two doctorates in the field, he still felt, “I certainly made a mistake to go into medieval history due to languages and to the lack of teaching places.”

 [49 ] He considered more than once the possibility of transferring from Strasbourg to another university, especially on 11-12 July 1935. There is a list of universities and colleges (inserted in the diary for 1932) to which he sent copies of his Toulouse thesis and where he may have considered applying.

 [50 ] Bloch particularly objected to Newman’s criticisms of Lot and Luchaire but not of Fliche, who he said “had never done any good work.”

 [51 ] Among these were Philippe Dollinger, Maurice Rey, and Jean de Sturler, though he lost touch with them after he returned to the United States, and George Flahiff, who became a professor at the Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies in Toronto (and later cardinal archbishop of Winnipeg) and who is one of the very few people of whom Newman had only good to say. In Brussels he met the Austrian Byzantinist Kurt Schweinburg, who was nine years older than he was and who in Newman’s opinion was badly treated by Henri Grégoire. As a Jew, he was unable to get a job in Germany and eventually went to England where, according to the last reference to him in the diary, he was writing a book on Photios.

 [52 ] He laid the blame entirely on Bloch in 1934 when Louis Halphen refused to take him as a student and said that both theses were unacceptable: the catalogue because it was already being done and “The thesis principle because there could be nothing new in it from the angle I approached it.” He believed that the Domaine was badly conceived and should be restricted to the Ile-de-France and based on more manuscript material. “He finds 1180 a stupid date, must go on to about 124- (the end of regency of St. Louis). 1137—hopelessly impossible he finds.” Halphen apparently added injury to insult by saying that the theses might be acceptable for a degree at Strasbourg but not at Paris.
I took care to say little of Bloch yet was forced twice to say frankly that he had given me the subject and never helped me to work on it. It is obvious that H. dislikes him. He bitterly condemned my having worked alone and thus knew nothing of what was going on.
Halphen’s refusal to accept the theses was a particular disappointment because he had referred to The Kings as a “consciencieuse étude” in his Essor de l’Europe (Paris, 1932), p. 178.

 [53 ] “The only thing is,” he continued, “he would like to have a student publish.” Newman was so discouraged at this time that he considered completing his theses “as independent pieces of work.”
My desire to escape the nasty black future grows stronger. My escape cannot be through work on history de Moyen Age. Can it be through other history? Or should I abandon the thing entirely and work in an office! That terrible idea of mediocrity and failure mock louder, beyond even hope or attempt to escape. . . . I am beaten. I know it. I almost admit it. But I’ll go on

 [54 ] With time Newman’s opinion of Bloch mellowed, and he came to regard him more highly as a scholar, though his personal memories remained bitter. There is no reference to him in the diary from July 1937 until November 1940, when Newman heard from Charles Taylor at Harvard that Bloch was being brought to the New School for Social Research in New York: “I was not pleased; he is a good scholar but a fool otherwise and will just make enemies for the Jews.” On this episode see Carole Fink, “Marc Bloch: The Life and Ideas of a French Patriot,” Canadian Review of Studies in Nationalism 10 (1983), 245-246. Newman’s comment marks an important change of attitude both in his recognition of Bloch’s scholarly ability and in his allusion to Bloch as a Jew, which he had barely mentioned previously and stressed now undoubtedly as a result of his own experience at Ann Arbor and his contacts with Jewish refugee scholars. He presumably felt that Bloch’s temperament would heighten the anti-Semitic prejudices in American institutions of higher learning. He made no comment, however, when he heard from Lynn White in May 1941 “that Marc Bloch has a job with the U. of California—whether at Berkeley or at Los Angeles he does not know, but he has not gotten out of France yet.” The news of Bloch’s death in June 1944 did not reach Newman until March 1947, when he noticed a reference to “the late Marc Bloch” in Speculum: “So he is dead. I felt sorry even though I did dislike him intensely personally.” On 9 April 1948, after reading the eulogies of Bloch in Annales, he wrote that “he as thousands of other Jews was a victim to the Germans, horrible but I still don’t like the eulogy.”

 [55 ] Halphen refused the topic for precisely this reason when they met in October 1934, though he admitted that “M.-C. would never live to see the work completed,” which later proved true. Newman felt with some justice that he had been let down by his Strasbourg professors, but the fact that he was purposely out of touch with them and living at that time in Paris and Brussels may explain the situation.

 [56 ] The acquisition list of books which he kept shows that his rate of buying was at its height in 1931-1932 and fell off sharply in 1933, when he was deeply discouraged about his work, though he still occasionally expressed a bookish enthusiasm, as when he discovered the rare supplement to the Ordonnances des rois de France, published about 1854. “I feel that I must have the 2 things I crave today,” he wrote on 25 March 1933, “that book and that man as a close companion.”

 [57 ] In 1936 he tried “not to think of the real future, for I dread the years of teaching that lie ahead of me.” “I get in a panic when I think of trying to teach,” he wrote early in 1937. “I know next to nothing outside of my theses.” Later that year, when he had been teaching at Michigan for just over a month and was working hard on his courses, he began to doubt whether he should continue teaching: “I dislike it and it will probably be worse as one repeats year after year.” In later years he referred more than once to the routine and repetitiveness of teaching, which reinforced his reluctance to seek an academic position.

 [58 ] Seven hundred copies of the Domaine and five hundred of the Catalogue were printed, of which six went to the members of the degree committee, eighty-five to the University of Strasbourg, and sixty-eight of the Domaine and forty-four of the Catalogue were sent out by Newman himself. The distribution lists he kept show that copies of each work went to his brother Joseph (to whom the Domaine was dedicated), to two former teachers, Calmette and Freeman (to whom the Catalogue was dedicated), and to Harvard and the Royal and Free University libraries in Brussels. Twelve copies of the Domaine and six of the Catalogue went to personal and professional friends, and the remainder to professors of medieval history at universities in America and England, most of whom were strangers, presumably in the hope of finding a position. He took a keen interest in the letters of thanks and copied many of them verbatim into his diary.

 [59 ] He himself sent copies to two American, two English, three Belgian, and one Dutch journal, and Sirey apparently sent out ten more to eight French and two Italian journals.

 [60 ] It would have been interesting to know what Newman would have thought of the letters written by Bloch and Perrin to the dean of the Faculty of Letters of the University of Strasbourg in October 1936, approving the printing of the theses. Bloch wrote that Newman had carried out his search “avec beaucoup de conscience, de méthode et d’esprit critique,” and Perrin described the Catalogue as “une oeuvre vraiment neuve; de dimensions imposantes et qui rendra les plus grands services.” I am indebted for copies of these letters to Professor Carole Fink.

 [61 ] In fact the only unfavorable review was that by Lot in the Journal des savants, which Newman attributed to personal spite. He considered the generally favorable review by Strayer in the American Historical Review “as nasty a thing as a person could do” on account of its brevity and mild praise. On the whole he took less interest in the reviews than might be expected, and he did not even mention Bloch’s favorable notice in the Annales. But he was intensely annoyed with the Medieval Academy, and considered resigning, when he discovered that Speculum, which had not even listed his first book, had given away the Domaine and the Catalogue “without any intentions of a review.”

 [62 ] He was probably pleased by the final sentence in Genicot’s review of Les seigneurs de Nesle, cited below, p. xlviii.

 [63 ] The list, the recto of which is reproduced on Figure 1, is written in different inks and corresponds in places with entries in the diary early in 1937. It is printed here verbatim, with the addition of numbering and a few changes in punctuation.

 [64 ] “I wish I could find enough forgeries of the XIth century to publish a long study or short book about them” (27 February 1937).

 [65 ] This is the first reference, aside from one on 3 April 1935, to Newman’s interest in medieval roads and communications. He discussed the topic with Carl Stephenson at the meeting of the American Historical Association in 1940, and mentioned it in 1947 among the projects he hoped to complete. In 16 September 1948 he decided that it could only be continued in France and wondered whether his material could be used for “a general economic view of France XIe-XIIe c.” His “notes on Medieval Roads and Bridges” were among those burned in 1967.

 [66 ] Newman then discussed his differences from Phillips, who wanted to make money, marry, and become a dean or college president—“The exact opposite of what I think” (12 July 1932). Phillips was almost the only friend who knew anything about Newman’s private life, including his affair with the hotel student.

 [67 ] “How does [Charles] Taylor who has never published a book become Associate professor at Harvard!” he asked in May 1937, and later when Taylor became a captain in army intelligence, “How did he get it? Through influence undoubtedly.” Others whom he met, some at meetings of the American Historical Association and the Medieval Academy, he described as “mediocre,” “loud and crude,” “a snob and show off,” “that fool . . . openly hostile . . . far from polite,” and “very reserved and brief.”

 [68 ] There is a long and interesting account in the diary of the meeting of the American Historical Association in Chicago in late December 1938, when Newman met (in addition to his old friends Ziegler and Phillips) Gray Boyce, Florence and Raymond De Roover (whom he had met in Belgium), John La Monte, Henry Lucas (whom he later saw in Seattle), Loren McKinney, Gaines Post, R. L. Reynolds, Joseph Strayer (whose review he had so disliked), Palmer Throop (who later taught at Michigan), and Lynn White. He admitted that people were nice and that he enjoyed the meeting (28 and 31 December 1938), unlike the previous meeting, which was “a failure so far as I am concerned” (29-30 December 1937). He also attended the meetings in 1939 and 1940 (see n. 65 above), but no others in the period covered by the diary or, in all probability, ever.

 [69 ] He maintained his membership in the Academy, but he wrote on 19 February 1946, “I never look at the publications and yet think it best to belong to something.”

 [70 ] He found Ernst Kantorowicz’s Frederick II “painted too much and sometimes inaccurate” and “good but too long and one wishes he would leave Napoleon out of it,” and he said of David Knowles’s Monastic Order in England that “it seems as though I shall never finish it.” Other works, some by well-known scholars, he found “the worst piece of its kind I have ever seen,” “most disappointing,” “a thin study,” “a very disappointing bit of editing,” “superficial,” “a curious book,” “long winded and so far nothing new,” and “another of those hopeless Columbia products.”

 [71 ] He was particularly pleased to obtain volume 2 of the cartulary of St-Corneille at Compiègne, of which volume 1 had been the first cartulary he had bought, seventeen years earlier, in 1931. This enthusiasm continued in Paris in the 1950s and early 1960s, and at the time of his death he had almost a thousand works on medieval history.

 [72 ] See the letter dated 21 July 1973 to Paul Meyvaert at the Medieval Academy. The statement in the preface to St-Fursy, p. vii, that Newman prepared these editions “in the decade after World War II” is misleading, since much of the work on the charters of Homblières was done before the war, and there is no evidence that he worked on St-Fursy or Mont-Saint-Quentin before 1950.

 [73 ] He thus fulfilled his dream of November 1936 “to someday have copies—photographs or ms.—of most of the important cartularies and fonds of the region around St-Quentin.” Aside from a very few copies made for him in distant libraries, these are all in Newman’s own hand and show that he did not use assistants for his primary research, though a note at the beginning of St-Fursy (p. xxii) and of his typescript of Homblières thanked Jean-Baptiste Giard for collating the texts of these charters and those of Mont-Saint-Quentin.

 [74 ] In letters dated 22 March and 2 June 1971 he described the conduct of Strayer and Lemarignier as “dishonorable” and called Legendre “dishonest.” What the real difficulties (aside from Newman’s impatience) were is uncertain, but he believed that the publication had been deliberately held up and part of his work stolen.

 [75 ] Such a work, he thought, would render “real service for géographie historique, etc., though not for institutions.”

 [76 ] One of his working notes on the charters of Homblières is date-stamped 5 October 1935, but this may be a slip Newman already had.

 [77 ] He remarked in particular on one which he believed Lauer had missed in his collection of the acts of Louis IV.

 [78 ] In the entries for 29 February and 2 March 1936 he examined Lauer’s opinion of Louis IV’s act of 947, which he was “inclined to think” was a forgery.

 [79 ] This was a substantial sum in view of the fact that his total living expenses for June and July were 1,720 francs.

 [80 ] On the following day, 11 June 1937, he sent rewards of 50 and 60 francs respectively to the two officials at Beauvais “who saved and found my notes.”

 [81 ] One of the few criticisms of his thesis which Newman accepted was with regard to the documents (see p. xxxix above), and he was doubtless aware of the imperfections in his edition of the charters of Homblières, which did not in every respect come up to the high standard he expected of himself as well as others.

 [82 ] This reproduces the capitalization and punctuation of the original. On the cover of Newman’s own copy the title is printed: The Kings, the Court and the Royal Power in France in the Eleventh Century.

 [83 ] The lists of reviews are based on Newman’s own records, the indications in the Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique, and (for St-Fursy) on the publisher’s files. Only significant reviews, more than simple notices, have been mentioned.

 [84 ] Madame Fossier informs me that the study of Newman’s works by Louis Carolus-Barre, mentioned here, has not appeared.



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I. INTRODUCTION

1. History of the Monastery

Irish missionaries were largely responsible for the Christianization of northern France in the seventh century. Their example of spreading the Gospel and establishing small rural retreats sparked the foundation of over eighteen monastic communities in Picardy, including four along the Somme River: Saint-Riquier, Corbie, Mont-Saint-Quentin, and Homblières.1 The founder of the future Notre-Dame of Homblières was a young noblewoman named Hunegund (d. ca. 690), a native of Lambay in the Vermandois. We know about her only from a tenth-century biography based on stories popular long after original memory of her had faded beyond recall, by which time she had become a local cult figure.2 According to her biographer, Hunegund was raised as a Christian by her parents and at a very young age, under the influence of Saint Eligius, bishop of Noyon, committed herself to celibacy and a life dedicated to God’s service. When her parents, disregarding her wishes, betrothed her to the nobleman Eudold, Hunegund convinced her fiancé to accompany her on a pilgrimage to Rome. There they met Pope Martin I (649-655), who confirmed her decision to remain celibate in service to the church after learning that she had been promised in marriage against her will. Her fiancé, at first enraged to the point of threatening violence with his sword, likewise committed himself to a celibate life; later he apparently transferred Hunegund’s intended dowry of several estates to the monastic
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community she founded around 650 near the site of Homblières.3 Although nothing is known about Hunegund’s sanctuary during the next three centuries, perhaps a small community survived there until the ninth century when, in the face of Viking raids, it buried Hunegund’s bones and abandoned the place.4

The monastery of Homblières (Humolarias, from humulus = hop field) is first mentioned in the 940s as a community of nuns in need of reform because of lapsed morals. The archbishop of Reims assigned Bertha, a nun from the abbey of Saint-Pierre of Reims, to restore the community. Abbess Bertha set out to locate and exhume the body of the founding patroness and on 3 October 946, after a night charged with the prayers of the local men and women and much digging, the remains of Hunegund were unearthed.5 Miraculous healings occurred at once, and the bishop of Noyon was summoned to celebrate Mass.6 But the discovery of the saint’s body was insufficient to redeem the reputation of the community; after Bertha’s death in 948 or 949, King Louis IV authorized the expulsion of the nuns and their replacement by monks from Saint-Remi of Reims who were required to live at Homblières under the Benedictine Rule.7 It was their first abbot, Berner, who wrote the Vita of Hunegund from stories that he had heard locally. He also composed an account of the discovery of Hunegund’s body in a tract
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(Translatio) that was partly intended to justify the eviction of the nuns.8 In his version of the recent history of Homblières, Berner included the story of a knight named Magener who used to visit the monastery in order to seduce the nuns but who reformed his habits after an apparition of Hunegund, an account that subtly reinforced the official explanation for the removal of the nuns.

The reform of Homblières was one incident in a larger monastic reform movement led by centers such as Cluny and Gorze in the first half of the tenth century. In the Vermandois and neighboring Lotharingia the 940s were an especially intense period of reform in part because of the efforts of Eilbert of Florennes and his wife, Hersend.9 Eilbert was a direct descendant, perhaps the grandson, of Emperor Lothair’s vassal Ebro, who had received imperial lands that Eilbert later transferred to several monasteries.10 Although he never held high office, Eilbert was a wealthy man with properties scattered throughout northern France and Lotharingia, and his stepson and successor, Arnold, had a castle (castrum) at Florennes ca. 1000.11 Eilbert and his wife were responsible for founding Saint-Michel-en-Thiérache (945), Waulsort (946), and Bucilly, as well as for refounding Homblières. In 949 Homblières was located on land Eilbert held as a benefice from the count of Vermandois (it is not known what became of the land on which Hunegund originally established her retreat).12 The charter of expulsion states that Eilbert and Hersend had requested the reform of Homblières and that Eilbert surrendered the land to his lord, Albert, count of Vermandois, who in turn transferred it to King Louis IV. Ultimately it was the king who authorized the reform and who at the same time freed the monastery from all secular control, in effect granting an immunity. If Homblières was not already a proprietary abbey from its origin in the seventh century, it might have come under secular control in the ninth century, when the lands of many monastic houses were expropriated by kings and magnates.


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Figure 3 Table I. The Family of Eilbert of Florennes

Table I. The Family of Eilbert of Florennes

As a proprietary monastery for women in the tenth century, Homblières must have had a very small endowment.13 The act transferring the institution to the Benedictines fails to mention any property at all, and Abbot Berner (949-982) obviously wrote the Vita and Translatio of Hunegund in order to generate interest in the abbey. The papal confirmation of 956 lists individual manses in several locations in addition to the estate (villa) of Homblières that Eilbert of Florennes had conveyed with the abbey. During the next three decades the monks acquired three small estates (mansioniles),14 additional manses both within other estates and as independent plots, vineyards in the Laonnois, and distant fishing rights on the Somme. Some of the manses were uninhabited, perhaps abandoned lands in need of restoration.15 The more important possessions were located in two areas: around the source of the Somme, about seven to twelve kilometers directly north of Homblières; and in several localities twelve to fifteen kilometers south of the abbey. Abbot Berner attempted to concentrate the holdings by solicitation and exchange,


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Figure 4 Table II. The Counts of Vermandois

Table II. The Counts of Vermandois

and by the end of the tenth century the monks had accumulated a modest endowment sufficient for a small, independent monastery (Fig. 2).16

The monastery’s acquisitions were located within the county of Vermandois whose count, Albert I the Pious (943-987), readily permitted gifts from his vassals.17 In consenting to the alienation of benefices, the count
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acted in the presence of his chief subordinates, the castellan of Saint-Quentin and the lay advocate of the chapter of Saint-Quentin, and of his direct vassals some of whom were later identified as knights.18 In fact, the count’s charters for Homblières are among the earliest in medieval France to refer to knights (milites)—from 954.19 Moreover, a tenurial hierarchy appears to have been firmly established at that time: knights held benefices from the count’s direct vassals (his fideles), who in turn held their benefices from the count.20 While the intermediary vassals consented orally to the transactions of their knights, only the count could authorize the formal grants of alienation. Some knights, of course, continued to hold freely transferable allodial properties as well as benefices. The knight Wallo, for example, gave Homblières four allodial manses with the approval of only his immediate family. His act of 956 is the earliest for which a knight authorized and validated his own charter.21

While northern France experienced a difficult transition between royal dynasties during the late tenth and early eleventh centuries, Homblières is cloaked in darkness.22 Count Albert I of Vermandois, a strong supporter of the last Carolingian kings, Lothair (954-986) and Louis V (986-987), responded to the election of Hugh Capet in 987 by open revolt; for that indiscretion he was compelled to surrender hostages to the new king. The count’s successors, Herbert III (988-ca. 1000) and Albert II (ca. 1000-1021), preoccupied by immediate political and military concerns, left neither gifts nor confirmations to Homblières. It was precisely during their rule that substantive changes occurred to and around the monastery. Several of the count’s vassals usurped the abbey’s distant possessions of Cugny (ten manses) and Quessy (eight manses), imposing protection taxes on their inhabitants. Abbot Waleran (1021/1027-1043) later complained that his predecessors had brought the abbey to ruin by neglecting to obtain written confirmations of


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Figure 5 2. Possessions of Homblières, Tenth Century

2. Possessions of Homblières, Tenth Century


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(oral) acquisitions,23 but the problem was more general, the result of the breakdown of government in the Vermandois at the turn of the eleventh century. Although the counts managed to retain control of the county, they authorized or acquiesced in local usurpations of church lands under a variety of new terms—such as consuetudines and salvamentum—that signified the destruction of monastic immunities and the intrusion of laymen into monastic lands.24 Although Abbot Waleran succeeded in checking, but not eliminating, the new impositions, the abbey’s distant properties remained susceptible to harassment by unscrupulous knights and barons even in the twelfth century.25

More serious was the threat to the monastery itself. In the tenth century the count as delegate of the king had protected the abbey by confirming its acquisitions and respecting its autonomy. Perhaps the change in royal dynasty accounts for the withdrawal of that protection and the resultant insecurity in the eleventh century. The few texts available suggest that the abbots had a hard time of it through the first half of the century; indeed, the second transfer of Hunegund’s remains in 1051 and their placement in a new reliquary may have been related to the hazards of the time.26 Count Herbert IV (1045-ca. 1081) attempted to become lay advocate of Homblières but was rebuffed by Abbot Henry (1059-1075/90), who produced a charter of immunity granted by the count’s ancestors.27 By the early twelfth century, however, the abbots recognized the count as advocate of the monastery and its villa, with responsibility for maintaining order whenever the abbot was incapable of controlling malefactors.28 The count also exacted military service from all inhabitants of the villa, an obligation that King Louis VIII commuted in 1224.29


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In the course of the twelfth century the monastery developed extensive and mutually beneficial ties with local knight families. A number of knights and their wives sought burial rights at Homblières, while others simply offered gifts for the salvation of their souls. Financial exigencies might have compelled some knights to sell their fiefs under the guise of donations in return for life annuities: in two cases the monks acquired fiefs already heavily mortgaged to third parties.30 The most generous gifts came from knights who assumed the monastic habit at Homblières. Most prominent among those were Oilbald Porell and Evrard Calvus, both domestici of the count; Lambert, castellan of Saint-Quentin; and Werric, a knight who claimed very noble lineage and who brought with him all his possessions, an entire estate, when he and his son entered the monastery.31 Knights of more humble origin were admitted into the community after 1150. Indeed, the number of knights entering Homblières suggests that it was viewed as a retirement community for aged and world-weary knights.

As the interests of the local knights and the monastery became entwined, the monks began to grant monastic lands as fiefs. Some knights already held fiefs from lay lords, but others seem to have held only monastic benefices or fiefs; in fact, the monks may have contributed to the enlargement of the knightly class by awarding fiefs to allodial proprietors not yet knighted. A Fulchrad, casatus, was mentioned in the 1130s, and an Eselin held a monastic benefice in 1147.32 After 1150 the abbey’s knights regularly witnessed the abbot’s acts, particularly those involving knights and local laymen. The knights continued to hold allodial properties, as they had in the tenth century, as well as other tenures in return for census. Gerbert of Fresnoy-le-Grand, for example, paid a rent of three modii of wheat for his monastic fief, slightly less than what most peasant tenants paid for a single manse.33 Such confounding of tenures, the strong survival of allods, and a late and incomplete feudalization of lands were characteristic of Picardy.34

Homblières experienced an extraordinary growth of its economic resources in the twelfth century. Perhaps the recovery had begun earlier under Abbot Henry, whom Guibert of Nogent depicted as an outstanding administrator of practical affairs,35 but the resurgence was most notable under Abbots Hugh I (1132-1143) and Hugh II (1143-1150). They attracted numerous
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gifts, cleared lands, developed new economic resources, and consolidated assets by exchange and purchase. Their goal was to exploit as extensively as possible the entire region between Saint-Quentin and the Oise River, primarily in the area where the monks had maintained a presence since the tenth century: from Homblières north to Fresnoy-le-Grand and encircling the source of the Somme River. As a secondary area of interest, they expanded along the right bank of the Oise River, from Bernot to Châtillon-sur-Oise. At the same time they withdrew from the area south of Homblières between Ham and La Fère, whose castellans had compromised the abbey’s lands there by earlier usurpations (Fig. 3).

The monks created a network of estates (villae) and granges (curtes, curiae) for the production of grain, the region’s chief commodity, under two quite different managerial regimes. On the estates, the oldest as well as the largest and most cohesive economic units, mayors supervised tenants who were still liable for labor services. The hereditary mayor of Homblières, for example, directed four annual corvées, the usual obligation on older estates in Picardy.36 He was also responsible for maintaining order, establishing plot boundaries, and assigning tenures. The monks themselves cultivated some of their reserve lands at Homblières and had the rest, probably newly cleared areas, worked by coloni under their direct authority. On the abbey’s five smaller estates, tenants were liable for “customs” (in lieu of corvées) and banalities, although in fact both obligations had been commuted to fixed payments by the 1130s. At Morcourt, an estate of fourteen manses, the servitium was 10 s. for the census, 7 s. for the customs, and 4 s. for the banal mill. The same fee schedule applied at Fresnoy-le-Grand, an estate of nine manses, except that there the banality was for use of the malthouse in the absence of a mill.37

The greatest expansion of economic resources occurred on lands beyond the limits of the old estates, particularly on vacant plots, fields, and woods that were cleared and cultivated by coloni and hospites. In many respects the monks followed practices typical of contemporary Cistercians.38 From the fragments of older estates, from newly cleared lands, and from special economic resources such as tithes, mills, and ovens, the monks created new


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Figure 6 3. Localities Cited in the Charters

3. Localities Cited in the Charters


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economic units centered around granges.39 As collection points for the processing and storage of grain, the granges functioned quite unlike the closely supervised estates of tenants. The hospites who worked the five manses at Châtillon-sur-Oise did not owe corvées, customs, or banalities; they paid only four modii of grain and 6 d. for their manses.40 The monks had a church there and collected the tithe, but the primary function of the grange with its two mills was to process and store the grain-rents due from lands scattered through the lower Oise River area, including the one-ninth of the crop from Méchambre and the twenty modii of grain owed from Ferrières.41

The development of the grange at Bernot illustrates how the monks extended their resources at selected sites. They first acquired one-third of the allodial land at Bernot ca. 1045, to which they added several fields later in the century. In 1142 Abbot Hugh I purchased the tithe over the remaining allodial land, and by 1144 the monks possessed additional uncultivated fields, woods, and a mill (probably recently built). By 1169 they had constructed a grange, partly on the land of the knight Gerard Hatterel, whom they compensated for trespass. Gerard held the villa of Bernot (that is, the rest of the allodial land) and had tenants clearing lands for him; he also had a mill and later acquired the oven that the monks had built in the villa. The monks had their own mill and oven at their grange.42 There is no mention of the monastery’s tenants at Bernot; perhaps all its land was held in reserve and worked by day laborers from the villa.43 Yet the purpose of Bernot was not to produce grain for the monks but rather to process and store the grain-rents collected from the upper Oise, just as Châtillon served the lower Oise.

The monks actively developed their nonlanded resources, especially parish churches and tithes, ovens, and mills that furnished revenues indexed to the volume of grain production. Several parish churches (Ablaincourt, Fresnoy-le-Grand) were gifts from laymen who held them as fiefs, while others (Marcy, Morcourt) had to be purchased. From 1130 to 1170 the monks themselves seem to have built a number of mills and ovens, assets they rarely relinquished, although they readily leased out the adjacent arable. For example, shortly after they acquired the ovens, arable, and parish
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church of Harly and Rouvroy, they leased the arable to hospites.44 The allod they received from a knight for burial rights at Homblières they soon leased to another knight for 4 s.45 More extensive properties distant from the abbey were leased primarily to other monasteries, such as Prémontré, Saint-Fursy, Mont-Saint-Martin, Saint-Prix, Saint-Michel-en-Thiérache, and Montreuil-les-Dames.

In their quest for long-term economic security the monks invested most of their surplus income in land, but in doing so they incurred heavy current obligations because their more important acquisitions were subjected to annuities and rents. In 1137, for example, when they accepted a knight’s fief, they agreed to pay him six modii of grain for the next thirty years.46 When the opportunity arose to purchase the parish church of Morcourt, in one of their principal grain-producing areas where they already had a grange, they did not hesitate to assume a rent of ten modii of grain that so overcommitted them in census payments that they could not pay it from their direct revenues but had to assign it on less reliable tithe revenues elsewhere.47 Four years later, however, they unburdened themselves of that payment by exchanging property with the monks of Mont-Saint-Martin, who would henceforth pay that rent.48 Two years later in 1153, Homblières managed to pay 140 l. for the entire estate of Urcel in the wine-producing region of the Laonnois, thus consolidating its presence in the area where the monks already had a number of small vineyards.49

Homblières was not the only monastery expanding into the valleys of the Somme and Oise. Competition for resources was evident in the first half of the twelfth century, although it was not yet serious in the 1130s when Homblières gererously aided the foundation of Mont-Saint-Martin and Montreuil-les-Dames.50 When institutions had interests in the same localities, they often avoided conflicts by exchanging properties so that only one institution would retain exclusive rights in each locality. This procedure allowed Homblières to increase its holdings in the area immediately north of the abbey in exchange for renouncing development rights in more distant territories: the monks withdrew from Bonneuil where Prémontré had a grange, and they traded away future interests in Regny for a similar concession at Marcy where they already had a grange.51


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After 1150 the area of conflict shifted to the newly cleared lands and their tithes. Again, negotiated settlements solved a number of minor conflicts, but from the 1160s the clashes became more violent. The monks of Ribemont presented the most serious challenge over the clearings and tithes of Abbeville and Montigny-en-Arrouaise, an area of vital importance to Homblières and a traditional preserve of the abbey. The most complicated of several disputes was a four-way controversy over the forest of Montigny between, on the one side, Ribemont and, on the other, Homblières, the nuns of Montreuil-les-Dames, and the knight Gerard Hatterel of Bernot.52 The first decision, made by Cardinal Odo of San Nicola in Carcere Tulliano probably in 1161, favored Ribemont. The other three parties appealed to Alexander III, claiming that the decision, having been made without their consent, was later annulled.53 Since the prior of Ribemont denied this, maintaining that Cardinal Odo had settled the case, the pope in 1168/69 instructed Bishop Milo of Thérouanne and Abbot Hugh of Mont-Saint-Quentin to look into the matter and to arrange a friendly settlement or, if that proved impossible, to impose a just settlement.54 It was during this period that the monks of Homblières, perhaps following the example of Ribemont, petitioned the pope to confirm their possessions.55 Alexander’s confirmation, dated 4 March 1169,56 was placed at the head of their cartulary, which seems to have been created ca. 1170 as a direct consequence of the dispute with Ribemont.57

The pope’s directive to Bishop Milo and Abbot Hugh was written on 17 March 1168/69. Milo died on 14 September 1169, and Abbot Hugh apparently heard the case alone, reaching a settlement before 1172 when he became abbot of Corbie.58 At about the same time, in 1172, Homblières and Ribemont settled a related dispute over the novales of Abbeville and Fontaine-Notre-Dame, both only a short distance from Montigny.59 Perhaps in 1173, however, the pope designated two new arbiters, the bishops of Laon and Noyon, to verify Abbot Hugh’s settlement.60 As he stated in his
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letter of 18 July 1173 to Ribemont, Alexander wanted to be sure that the “friendly settlement” reached by Abbot Hugh had been agreed to by all parties. The bishops reported that in fact all had agreed, and the pope confirmed the settlement.61 At this point, unfortunately, a complication arose. The pope wrote to Archbishop Henry of Reims on 13 April 1174 that although the abbot of Homblières reported that the two bishops had settled the case, “a certain monk of Ribemont” who was handling some affairs of the treasurer of Laon asked the pope to commit the case to the bishop of Tournai, even though the case had been settled.62 Since the pope was uncertain as to the disposition of the case, he instructed the archbishop to enforce the decision of the bishops of Laon and Noyon, unless it was being appealed, and to prevent the bishop of Tournai from proceeding in the case. Ribemont’s diversion was unsuccessful, although it might have set the groundwork for a later forgery, perhaps after 1191, in order to reopen the case.63 Abbot Hugh’s settlement of 1172, verified by the bishops of Laon and Noyon in 1173, was described in 1178 by Bishop Rainald of Noyon.64 In that same year Hubert, the new abbot of Homblières, wrote to the abbot and chapter of Ribemont accepting the settlement and promising not to reopen the case.65 Pope Urban III reaffirmed the agreement in 1186/1187.66

In the absence of surviving archives or a later cartulary, the history of Homblières is difficult to trace after 1180. The charters and letters issued by the abbey and now preserved in the archives and cartularies of recipient monastic institutions provide an increasingly fragmentary picture, and after 1250 very little is known at all about Homblières.67 Although the abbey seems to have remained economically viable until 1372,68 it probably suffered damage during the later stages of the Hundred Years War, for the relics of Saint Hunegund were sent for safety to Saint-Quentin where they were later viewed by King Louis XI. With the Concordat of 1516 Homblières passed under royal control. In 1607 the abbey church collapsed and Homblières was abandoned, long after it had lost its vitality. The abbey’s
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movables, including no doubt the archives and the cartulary, were transferred to another institution for safekeeping, probably to Saint-Remi of Reims.

In 1666 Antoine Thuret, a monk from Saint-Remi, became prior of Homblières and undertook its restoration. He rebuilt the abbey church and reestablished a community by 1679, when the remains of Hunegund were returned by the bishop of Noyon, who had guarded the reliquary during the long years of insecurity.69 The priory of Homblières lasted a century until it was converted into a secular chapter for noble women in 1788. In 1791 the institution was secularized. The villagers were allowed to retain the eleventh-century reliquary of Saint Hunegund, but all other possessions and records were dispersed or destroyed. The monastic lands became a public park, and today only a stone archway and a small church, perhaps the one Thuret rebuilt, survive from the medieval period.

2. The Abbots of Homblières 70

3. The Cartulary and Charters

Homblières possessed a comparatively large collection of documents in its archives at the end of the tenth century—at least twenty-one acts—and it is possible that the monks copied them into a cartulary as early as ca. 1000.101 More likely, however, the first medieval cartulary was drawn up ca. 1170 as a direct result of the protracted dispute with Ribemont.102 The original cartulary remained at Homblières until the abandonment of the abbey in 1607, when the archives and cartulary were sent elsewhere for safekeeping. Claude Hémeré, dean of Saint-Quentin from 1615 and later librarian at the Sorbonne and organizer of Cardinal Richelieu’s manuscript collection (1638), saw both the cartulary and documents from the archives (probably at the abbey of Saint-Remi of Reims) from which he published selected texts in his Augusta Viromanduorum (1643).103 Those printed texts were reproduced several times in the course of the next two centuries, most notably by Jean Mabillon in his Acta sanctorum Ordinis Sancti Benedicti (1668-1701)104 and by Louis-Paul Colliette in his Mémoires pour servir à l’histoire ecclésiastique, civile et militaire de la province du Vermandois (1771-1772).105

The resettlement of Homblières under Prior Thuret (1666-1716) rekindled interest in the abbey’s past, and in 1673 one of the monks, Robert Wyard, extracted a number of texts from Hémeré’s edition in order to reconstruct the early history of Homblières.106 Although Thuret had been a monk
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at Saint-Remi where the original cartulary seems to have been stored in the seventeenth century, Wyard did not know of the whereabouts of that manuscript in 1673. Within the next several decades, however, two complete copies were made of the medieval cartulary. The first (lat. 13911) was at one time in the library of Saint-Germain-des-Prés and probably was commissioned by Jean Mabillon or produced by the scribes in his employ.107 Mabillon, who joined the Maurists at Saint-Germain-des-Prés in 1664 and became the leading force behind the acquisition and copying of cartularies from all over western Europe, had taken his vows at Saint-Remi in 1654 and might well have known about the medieval cartulary of Homblières in its library.108 The second copy of the medieval cartulary (H 588) has remained in the Vermandois; it seems to have been intended for the monks of Homblières, who may not have been able to regain possession of the original cartulary.109 Both copies are in clear, uniform scripts and obviously the work of professional scribes. Although they seem to have been taken independently from the medieval cartulary, they do not differ significantly in their readings or organization.110

The fate of the medieval cartulary is unknown. It had certainly disappeared by the 1770s when the Benedictines systematically scoured the provinces for cartularies and charters, for they relied on H 588 for their own copies that later entered the Collection Moreau and Collection de Picardie in the Bibliothèque Nationale.111 In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries the editors of papal and royal acts consulted lat. 13911 (conveniently located at the Bibliothèque Nationale), and since then both lat. 13911 and H 588 have provided several texts for other editions of charters. In 1936


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Figure 7 Table III. Filiation of the Cartulary Copies

Table III. Filiation of the Cartulary Copies

Newman decided to prepare a complete edition of the medieval cartulary based on the two manuscript copies.

The present arrangement of lat. 13911 and H 588 reveals the general plan of the medieval cartulary.112 It begins with a section of papal bulls headed by Alexander III’s confirmation of the abbey’s possessions in 1169.113 A second section contains the earliest charters of the abbey, from the tenth and eleventh centuries; it includes the acts of the counts of Vermandois who often appeared in the guise of lay abbots of Saint-Quentin.114 A third section includes various ecclesiastical acts of the twelfth century, many by the bishop of Noyon.115 A fourth section consists of minor grants from laymen and of internal administrative lists and notices.116 The final section contains mainly acts of the abbots of Homblières.117 The divisions are not absolute, and rarely were in medieval cartularies. It was not unusual for blank folios of a manuscript to receive additions inappropriate to the original order, nor for
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some folios to be lost and others rearranged in a rebinding of the manuscript. In this instance a hasty redaction occasioned by the conflict with Ribemont in the 1160s may explain some of the disorder.

The papal confirmation of 1169 was the latest act in the original cartulary. The fact that none of the documents relating to the litigation between Homblières and Ribemont, nor the final settlement of 1178, was included in the cartulary suggests that the manuscript was completed under Abbot Peter (1163-1175) shortly after the receipt of Alexander III’s bull dated 4 March 1169. In 1180 two items were added to blank folios of the completed manuscript.118 Thereafter the cartulary remained untouched, save for the insertion of a royal act in 1224, until the fourteenth century when several brief items were added to the last blank folios.119

This edition includes the texts of all acts in the cartulary as well as the acts issued by the abbots of Homblières or relevant to the abbey that are found in the archives or cartularies of other monasteries.120 Of the 156 items identified, 151 texts are edited in full, including all 94 in the cartulary.121 Over half (81) of the 151 texts are published here for the first time, 18 of them from the original charters. Most of the remaining texts have until now been available only in partial or defective editions.

Almost all of the texts in this collection are classified as charters, a generic term for documents that served a variety of purposes.122 Over 70 percent of the charters here are in fact title deeds. The earliest ones simply record previous oral transactions that were themselves the legally constitutive acts, such as the donations to Homblières “by branch and turf” on the altar of Saint Hunegund. Commemorative documents seem to have been prepared only for the more substantial acquisitions and the more important donors. As the texts themselves explain, the written record preserved memory


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Table IV. Classification of Texts by Originator of Document
Texts in Cartulary Other Texts
I. Laymen
      Kings 5
      Counts
         Château-Thierry 2
         ChâFrance 1
         Vermandois 15
      Others 3 4
II. Ecclesiastics
      Popes 6 8
      Bishops
         Cambrai 1
         Laon 4
         Noyon 8 4
      Abbots
         Anchin 1
         Homblières 40 35
         Prémontré 2 2
      Saint-Amand 2
         Saint-Prix 1
         Vicoigne 1 1
      Others 2 3
94 57

of the oral act for future generations after living memory had lapsed, at which time the charter became the sole proof of legal possession. When Abbot Waleran in 1027 sought a charter from the count of Vermandois to confirm a donation made in 982/988, he complained that the failure of his predecessors to obtain written records was responsible for the disasters that befell the abbey; in that case Homblières was fortunate that the original donor, the castellan of Saint-Quentin, had become a monk at the abbey and could still testify about the donation.123 The guarantors of the earliest charters were the witnesses to the acts. They placed an “x” (signum) by their names on the charter or traced an “x” (“by my own hand,” as they often remarked) already provided by the scribe.124 In the twelfth century, authenticating seals of important personages gradually displaced witnesses as validators of acts, and signum before a name came to mean simply that a witness had been present. Except for the finger seal (annulus) used by King Lothair,


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Table V. Classification of Texts by Date of Issue
Period Previously Edited Newly Edited
(Original Charters)
Total
947-1000 17 4 21
1001-1100 12 1 13
1101-1150 16 13 (1) 29
1151-1200 16 31 (2) 47
1201-1300 9 22 (12) 31
1301-1400 - 10 (3) 10
70 81 (18) 151

the earliest reference to a seal in this collection was by the bishop of Noyon in 1124.125

When properties were exchanged or when both parties desired copies of agreements involving reciprocal obligations, a charter could take the form of a chirograph. Usually a single piece of parchment with two identical texts was divided in half through the word CHYROGRAPHUM, with one part to be retained by each party.126 In some cases identical texts contain different witnesses and seals.127 Most of the 22 chirographs in this collection are from the middle decades of the twelfth century, and the most interesting ones are those naming laymen as the second party.128 Indeed, the earliest chirograph in the cartulary—from the 1130s or 1140s—involves the exchange of land with a knight, who must have received a chirograph for his own keeping.129 Several other chirographs were given to knights in the 1150s; all involved fiefs, including one held from the abbey itself.130 To what extent laymen, particularly feudal tenants far below the baronial level, retained chirographs and perhaps other documents as early as the mid-twelfth century remains an
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open question, but the fact that 7 of the 22 chirographs here were probably the reciprocals of copies given to laymen suggests a greater familiarity with written records than we have suspected.

Seven charters are confirmations of the abbey’s possessions: 1 royal and 2 papal confirmations from the 950s, after the reform of the abbey, and 4 papal confirmations from the twelfth century.131 In addition, 21 charters are legal judgments or letters of notification of legal matters.132 The earliest adjudication was against a layman.133 All other cases involved neighboring monastic houses and were concentrated in two periods, 1170-1180 and the late thirteenth century.

The abbot and chapter of Homblières issued all four types of charters: title deeds, chirographs, a confirmation,134 and legal notifications.135 The earliest known act from Homblières is a title deed of 1124 by which the monks ceded an allod to Saint-Fursy of Péronne in return for a 4 s. annual payment.136 The charter was not sealed by the abbey but rather was presented to the bishop of Noyon for confirmation and probably his seal, although the text does not refer to any seal.137 Another deed issued by Homblières in 1132 was witnessed but not sealed.138 The first act to carry the abbey’s seal appeared in 1135, and several of its chirographs of the 1140s were sealed.139 It would appear that Homblières acquired a seal in the mid-1130s during the rule of Abbot Hugh I (1132-1143). A separate seal for the abbot appeared ca. 1186, and from 1219 the seals of the abbot and the chapter regularly appeared together.140 An act of 1224 still bears both seals intact (see Fig. 4).141

In addition to charters, the cartulary contains several internal administrative records. There are nine notices (unofficial memoranda) in which oral transactions were noted for future reference but apparently not formalized in charters.142 The notices are neither dated nor sealed. Seven of them involve knights who had donated property to Homblières or who had attempted


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Figure 8 4. A. Charter Issued by Abbot Baldwin and the Chapter of Homblières (Act no. 118). Service photographique des Archives Nationales

4. A. Charter Issued by Abbot Baldwin and the Chapter of Homblières (Act no. 118) Service photographique des Archives Nationales


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Figure 9 4. B. Abbot Baldwin’s Seal. Service photographique des Archives Nationales

4. B. Abbot Baldwin’s Seal Service photographique des Archives Nationales

Figure 10 4. C. The Chapter’s Seal. Service photographique des Archives Nationales

4. C. The Chapter’s Seal Service photographique des Archives Nationales


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to usurp the abbey’s rights.143 Four of the texts simply state the provisions of the oral transactions, two furnish the names of witnesses as well, and one contains the signa of laymen who witnessed and confirmed the act. Two other internal memoranda are formal contracts stating the rights of the mayor of the village of Homblières and the revenues of the abbey’s master cook,144 and one records the execution of a local man by the royal bailiff. Finally, there are fragments of an eleventh-century inventory of manses, a mid-twelfth-century and a fourteenth-century list of revenues, a description of the duties and payments owed to the village curé of Homblières in 1262, and a fourteenth-century ordo of the episcopal synod of Noyon.145

4. Editorial Principles

This Edition evolved from Newman’s typescript of ca. 1954. All transcriptions have been verified, and new information has been blended with Newman’s own notes and comments. Although Newman’s order of the acts has been retained in order to facilitate cross-reference to his other studies that refer to these acts by number, one act has been reclassified,146 and nineteen others have been added: six acts indicated but not transcribed by Newman,147 and thirteen entirely new acts.148 The English summaries have been rewritten in the hope that the material will be more accessible to nonspecialists, and the indices have been expanded to be more serviceable to scholars. Newman’s editorial conventions likewise have been modified in order to make this edition more compatible with current editing standards.

The Texts

When an original charter exists, the variant readings of later copies and editions are generally ignored here.149 In like manner a text known from a
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medieval cartulary other than the cartulary of Homblières is presented here without the variants of later (generally seventeenth- and eighteenth-century) copies. Most of the texts in this edition are known only from the lost medieval cartulary of Homblières, of which there are three direct and independent copies from the seventeenth century: lat. 13911, H 588, and Hémeré’s partial edition of 1643.150 All other copies and editions are entirely derivative.151 Therefore their variants—invariably errors, omissions, and stylistic changes—are ignored except when a modern editor suggests a better reading.

All three primary copies of the cartulary contain errors and omissions and none consistently offers the best reading. Newman regarded lat. 13911 as the base copy, although he often preferred the more clearly written and less abbreviated reading of H 588. In fact, both lat. 13911 and H 588 were corrected by a later hand (perhaps by Colliette) that attempted to reconcile some of the discrepancies and to correct the marginal dates of those copies.152 In this edition all three copies are accorded equal weight except where Hémeré indicates that his text came from an original charter in the archives of Homblières.153 Emendations and editorial notations are placed in brackets.


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Orthography

In order to minimize the number of variants from the three primary copies of the cartulary, the following conventions are observed:

ae/e/oe. The three primary copies usually have ae (e.g., praesentium) where the original charter and perhaps the medieval cartulary would have had e. In the absence of original charters or medieval copies, the ae of the three primary copies is retained here, and abbreviations are expanded to ae for the sake of consistency. When the primary copies differ in the use of ae and oe (e.g., coenobium), oe is preferred here.

i/j/y. Although some modern editors change the i preceding a vowel to j, neither the original charters nor the primary copies of the cartulary distinguish linguistically between i and j; therefore i and ii are retained here. Lat. 13911 and H 588 often employ y for i in certain words (e.g., chyrographum) but not consistently; the reading of lat. 13911 is generally preferred here. In the cases where Hémeré uses i in lieu of e (e.g., quatinus for quatenus), the e is retained here.

u/v/w. The u and uu of the charters and the primary copies of the cartulary are retained with these exceptions: u preceding a vowel becomes v (e.g., villa) and uu becomes vu (e.g., vulgus). In proper names u often becomes v (e.g., Evrardus), while uu becomes w (Walterus) except in the case of Cauviniacus.

c/d. Lat. 13911 and Hémeré generally give c (e.g., quicquid) where H 588 and the original charters have d (quidquid); d is preferred here.

m/n. H 588 usually has n (e.g., quacunque) where the original charters, lat. 13911, and Hémeré have m (quacumque); m is preferred here.

doubling. Hémeré’s practice of doubling the letters l, m, and n (e.g., Hunnegundis) is ignored here.

numerals. All three primary copies give Arabic numerals, particularly in dates, for what must have been Roman numerals in the original charters and the cartulary. Arabic numerals are changed here to Roman numerals except when one of the primary copies spells out or abbreviates (e.g., 4or) a number, in which case the written form is retained.

abbreviations. All abbreviations are expanded to conform to the orthography of the texts (e.g., p̄senti to praesenti) in the cartulary copies. Dmsmacron (or domnus) is rendered dominus.

apostrophe. In French texts an apostrophe is inserted only to clarify (e.g., desterpenig becomes d’Esterpenig), not for common elisions (e.g., quil).

capitals. Capital letters are used only at the beginning of sentences and for proper names.

Punctuation

Since medieval charters were punctuated to aid someone reading the text aloud, grammatical rules were not always observed. All three primary copies of the cartulary are erratic in their punctuation and in many places, in fact,
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misleading about the sense of the text. Except where indicated in the original charters, punctuation in this edition has been inserted to aid the modern reader: a period generally separates two distinct subjects, a semi-colon separates long but related clauses, a colon announces a list, and a comma simply clarifies.

Dating

The dates of several acts of the tenth and of the late twelfth and thirteenth centuries depend on when the year began. It is assumed here that Christmas or the first of January commenced the year in the tenth century, and that either Annunciation (25 March) or Easter, depending on the locality, commenced the year in the thirteenth century.154 In 1215 the royal chancery adopted Easter as the beginning of the year, and Homblières seems to have followed that convention soon afterward.155 All dates are converted to new style (N.S.).

5. Concordance of the Cartulary Manuscripts
lat. 13911 H 588 Hémeré Edition
1-3 1-4 88
3 4-5 R 52-53 117
4 5-6 38
5-6 7-9 53
7 10-11 59
8 11-12 6
9 12-13 R 29 2
10 13-14 R 30 4
11 14-15 R 37 31
12 15-16 13
13 16-17 T 95-96 5
14 17-18 15
15 18 T 112 23
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16 19 R 30 11
17 19-20 R 34 19
18 20-21 R 33 12
19 21-22 14
20 22 8
21 22-23 R 38-39 30
22 23-24 R 35 24
23 24-25 17
24 25 R 35 25
25 25-26 R 31 10
26 26-27 R 31 9
27 27-28 20
28 28-29 T 111 27
29 29 R 32 18
30 29-30 32
31 30-31 R 33-34 21
32 31 7
33 32 R 41 37
34 32-33 T 131 33
35 34 R 42 40
36 34-35 R 43 55
37 35-36 T 94-95 1
38 36 86
39 37 22
40 37-38 T 111-112 28
41 38 34
42 38-39 26
43 39-40 61
44 40-41 67
45 41-42 68
46 42-43 R 40-41 54
47 43-44 71
48 44-45 R 42-43 48
49 45-46 60
50 46-47 72
51 47-48 74
52 48 57
53 49 T 160 52
54 50 73
55 50-51 78
56 51-52 58
57 52-53 T 97-98 35
58 53 R 30-31 3
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59 53-54 13
60 54 39
61 54 79
62 55 106
63 55-56 16
64-67 56-60 44
68 60-61 80
69 61 107
70 61-62 87
71 62 84
72 62-63 83
73 63-64 81
74 64-65 96
75 65-66 49
76 66 50
77 67 T 160-161 56
78 67-68 69
79 68 65a
80 68 R 35 29a
81 69 63b
82 69 36b
83 70 43
84 70 R 40 64
85 70-71 66
86 71 47
87 72 T 160 51c
88 72 T 152-153 62
89 72 42c
90 73 77
91 73 97
92 73-74 98
93 74 140
94 74-75 128C
75 139
95 75-76 141
T 213-214 116
96 76 142
97 76 143
76-77 144
99 79A
T—text R—regestum
a, b, c: the sequence of each pair is reversed in H 588.

Endnotes

 [1 ] On the Christianization of Picardy, see Robert Fossier, La terre et les hommes en Picardie jusqu’à la fin du XIIIe siècle, 2 vols. (Paris, 1968), 1:167-174.

 [2 ] There is evidence for the existence of a cult of Saint Hunegund from the ninth century; see Joseph Van der Straeten, “Sainte Hunégonde d’Homblières: Son culte et sa vie rythmique,” Analecta Bollandiana 72 (1954), 39-49. Abbot Berner wrote the Vita of Hunegund shortly after his Benedictine monks replaced the nuns at Homblières (1 October 949; act no. 2), probably in late 949 or in 950 (see also Van der Straeten, p. 52). Text of the Vita in Acta sanctorum, 3rd ed., 62 vols. (Brussels-Paris, 1863-1925), Augustus 5:227-232, and in Jean Mabillon, Acta sanctorum Ordinis Sancti Benedicti, 9 vols. (Paris, 1668-1701), 2:1018-1025. A verse rendition of the Vita was composed in the eleventh century; see Van der Straeten.

 [3 ] There is no evidence that the site of Homblières was settled before the founding of the monastery. The Vita simply states that Hunegund’s dotalia (with villulae) from Eudold was used to establish a monastery. The pagan and Gallo-Roman graves discovered in the northern sector of Homblières in 1882 might have belonged to the Gallo-Roman villa of Marcy, located a few kilometers to the east of Homblières, which was destroyed in the early fifth century; see H. Leclercq, “Homblières,” Dictionnaire d’archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie, ed. F. Cabrol, H. Leclercq, and H. I. Marrou, 15 vols. (Paris, 1907-1950), 6:2738-2739.

 [4 ] This conclusion emerges from a study of the church architecture and evaluation of the later transfer of Hunegund’s remains; see Pierre Héliot, “L’abbaye d’Homblières et la châsse de Sainte Hunégonde aux Xe et XIe siècles,” Bibliothèque de l’Ecole des Chartes 119 (1961), 232-233.

 [5 ] According to Abbot Berner’s Translatio (see n. 8), the body was found on the 5th Nones of October.

 [6 ] Act no. 1 (dated 10 April 947, but perhaps subsequently modified, see the comment to act no. 1) refers to the recent discovery of Hunegund’s body, in commemoration of which the bishop of Noyon remitted the annual payment owed by Homblières for the parish church there.

 [7 ] The archbishop of Reims, Artold (931-940, 946-961), a vigorous reformer who recovered many church lands usurped by laymen, seems to have had a hand in the expulsion of the nuns (act no. 2); see Auguste Dumas, “L’église de Reims au temps des luttes entre Carolingiens et Robertiens (888-1027),” Revue d’histoire de l’église de France 30 (1944), 5-38. There is a long and not entirely clear history of relations between Homblières and Saint-Remi of Reims. The transfer of nuns from Homblières was enacted at Saint-Remi in the presence of many dignitaries but of only one abbot, Hincmar of Saint-Remi, shortly after that abbey had become independent of the archbishop in 945; see Françoise Poirier-Coutansais, “Saint-Remi de Reims,” in her Gallia monastica, I: Les abbayes bénédictines du diocèse de Reims (Paris, 1974), pp. 23-24.

 [8 ] Text in Acta sanctorum, Augustus 5:232-237, and in Mabillon, Acta sanctorum, 5:213-221. The date of composition is not firmly established. Traditionally it is placed shortly after the Vita of Hunegund, that is, around 949 and 950 (Van der Straeten, pp. 51-52). However, one of the miracles occurred in 964 (ch. 2, no. 19). Abbot Berner remained at Homblières until 982 (act no. 17); it is possible that he wrote the Translatio in the 960s or 970s, although it seems more likely that he wrote it originally ca. 950 in order to justify the Benedictine takeover of the institution and that he added new miracle stories later.

 [9 ] The much-debated identity of Eilbert has been worked out in a model study that clarifies a number of historiographical questions, including those regarding the origin of the twelfth-century chanson de geste “Raoul de Cambrai.” See Daniel Misonne, Eilbert de Florennes: Histoire et légende, la geste de Raoul de Cambrai (Louvain, 1967).

 [10 ] Misonne, pp. 2-3.

 [11 ] Arnold was stepfather to Gerard, bishop of Cambrai, whose writings on the social order of the eleventh century are analyzed in Georges Duby, The Three Orders: Feudal Society Imagined, tr. Arthur Goldhammer (Chicago, 1980).

 [12 ] Papal bulls of 955 and 956 (acts nos. 5, 6) identify the land as a benefice.

 [13 ] The count of Vermandois called the abbey a parvus locellus (act no. 20).

 [14 ] Fossier, Picardie, pp. 225-226, defines these as small, independent units of land, perhaps fragments of larger estates.

 [15 ] There is no mention of tenants in the tenth-century acts except at the villa of Saviniacus (act no. 10). Quessy also probably had resident tenants, for it had a mill (act no. 11). But the ten manses in the villa of Cugny were overgrown and had to be restored (act no. 15).

 [16 ] An example of Abbot Berner’s attempt to concentrate holdings: in 956 Homblières received four manses at Remigny; in 959 Berner asked the queen for three manses there, and in 963 he purchased two additional manses (acts nos. 7, 8, 12). The monks still collected rents from these manses in the twelfth century (act no. 88). Fossier, Picardie, pp. 440-443, discusses the abbey’s tenth-century holdings.

 [17 ] For recent work on the counts of Vermandois, see Michel Bur, La formation du comté de Champagne, v. 950-v. 1150 (Nancy, 1977), pp. 87-125.

 [18 ] The knight Anser who donated to the abbey was called a vassal in the witness list (act no. 3). Budo (or Dudo) and Gerbert appeared both as knights (act no. 20) and as vassals (acts nos. 3, 18). On the count’s court, see Fossier, Picardie, pp. 488-490.

 [19 ] Act no. 3. Excluded for this purpose is act no. 1 of 947 because that witness list containing knights may have been added later. Knights first appeared at Chartres about the same time; see André Chedeville, Chartres et ses campagnes, XIe-XIIIe siècles (Paris, 1973), pp. 310-311. For early references to knights elsewhere (from the 970s), see Georges Duby, “The Origins of Knighthood,” in his The Chivalrous Society, tr. Cynthia Postan (London, 1977), pp. 158-170, and “La diffusion du titre chevaleresque sur le versant méditerranéen de la Chrétienté latine,” in La noblesse au moyen âge, ed. Philippe Contamine (Paris, 1976), pp. 39-70.

 [20 ] The charters from Homblières confirm the thesis of Bur (p. 399) that a definite hierarchy of tenures existed from the mid-tenth century. Indeed, Bur based much of his argument on these acts (especially act no. 12).

 [21 ] Act no. 7, which predates by half a century similar documents in Picardy and elsewhere.

 [22 ] See Dumas for events in northern France.

 [23 ] Act no. 25: Waleran referred indirectly to Abbot Alberic (982-988), who failed to obtain written confirmation of a grant from Count Albert I. The question at issue was not unimportant, as it concerned the districtiones over lands attached to the villa of Homblières.

 [24 ] For the general fragmentation of political units in northern France, see Fossier, Picardie, pp. 477-534. The survival of the county of Vermandois was exceptional. Bur, ch. 7, who reexamined the development of lay advocacies in this period, concludes that a new type of advocacy, distinct from the Carolingian one, emerged in the eleventh century under the count’s authority. The evidence from the Vermandois seems to confirm that interpretation.

 [25 ] In the early twelfth century knights usurped property at Lambay (act no. 54), and the lord of Ribemont had to be restrained from imposing exactions on Châtillon-sur-Oise (act no. 44, chap. 22). See also act no. 32.

 [26 ] The second removal of Hunegund’s remains is described in the second Translatio written after 1060 (the text refers to the events as occurring “in the time of” King Henry I [1031-1060]). Text in Acta sanctorum, Augustus 5:237-240, and in Mabillon, Acta sanctorum, 5:221-226. A description of the reliquary is in Héliot, pp. 226-227. See also Fernand Vercauteren, “Note sur un texte du cartulaire d’Homblières et sur un passage de la Vita altera sanctae Hunegundis,” in Recueil de travaux offert à M. Clovis Brunel, 2 vols. (Paris, 1955), 2:651-659.

 [27 ] Act no. 31, which refers perhaps to act no. 2.

 [28 ] Acts nos. 44 (chap. 21), 53.

 [29 ] Act no. 117.

 [30 ] Acts nos. 48, 83.

 [31 ] Act no. 35.

 [32 ] Fulchrad (act no. 44, chap. 11) was probably the same as Fulcard, a layman who witnessed the abbot’s act in 1152 (act no. 66). Eselin was mentioned in act no. 59.

 [33 ] Gerbert of Fresnoy’s fief consisted of one-third of the tithe, lands, and fields of Gulvila (act no. 76).

 [34 ] The weak feudalization of land and the persistence of allods in Picardy were noted by Fossier, Picardie, pp. 550-552.

 [35 ] Guibert de Nogent: Histoire de sa vie (1053-1124), ed. Georges Bourgin (Paris, 1907), pp. 107-108.

 [36 ] Act no. 96. Fossier, Picardie, p. 465, notes that the typical obligation in twelfth-century Picardy was three or four annual corvées.

 [37 ] The customs of Fresnoy-le-Grand were defined (act no. 44, cap. 25) as the same as those observed at Morcourt (act no. 106).

 [38 ] See the study by Charles Higounet, La grange de Vaulerent: Structure et exploitation d’un terroir cistercien de la plaine de France, XIIe-XVe siècle (Paris, 1965), and Richard Roehl, “Plan and Reality in a Medieval Monastic Economy: The Cistercians,” Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History 9 (1972), 83-113.

 [39 ] The monks called their granges curiae and curtes, the same terms often employed by Cistercians and Premonstratensians; see Charles Higounet, “Essai sur les granges cisterciennes,” in L’économie cistercienne: Géographie—Mutations du moyen âge aux temps modernes (Auch, 1983), pp. 157-158. The establishment of granges as new economic units in the Beauvaisis from 1130 has been studied by Dietrich Lohrmann, “Le rétablissement du grand domaine à faire-valoir direct en Beauvaisis au XIIe siècle,” Francia 8 (1982), 105-126.

 [40 ] Act no. 44 (chap. 22). Unlike early Cistercians, the monks of Homblières collected tenurial rents.

 [41 ] Act no. 88. Grain payments were specified for delivery at Châtillon-sur-Oise (act no. 101).

 [42 ] Acts nos. 30, 44 (chaps. 20, 21), 47, 53, 81, 88, 98.

 [43 ] Fossier, Picardie, p. 345, notes that when lands were cleared next to an existing village, residents often continued to live in the village.

 [44 ] Acts nos. 48, 88.

 [45 ] Act no. 86.

 [46 ] Act no. 43.

 [47 ] Act no. 60. Saint-Prix still considered the altar of Morcourt as its own possession, leased to Homblières for ten modii censuales (act no. 93).

 [48 ] Act no. 65.

 [49 ] Act no. 67.

 [50 ] Acts nos. 44 (chap. 4), 62.

 [51 ] Acts nos. 63, 69, 70, 82, 105.

 [52 ] I thank Giles Constable for helping to unravel this convoluted controversy.

 [53 ] Wilhelm Janssen, Die päpstlichen Legaten in Frankreich vom Schisma Anaklets II. bis zum Tode Coelestins III. (1130-1198) (Cologne-Graz, 1961), p. 72. There is no independent record of this decision, which is mentioned in act no. 89. See also n. 55.

 [54 ] Act no. 89.

 [55 ] Ribemont secured a papal confirmation of its possessions, including the villam que dicitur Montiniacus preter sextam decimam partem communis allodii, on 23 January 1168 (Henry Stein, ed., Cartulaire de l’ancienne abbaye de Saint Nicolas des Prés sous Ribemont [Saint-Quentin, 1884], pp. 85-89, no. 47).

 [56 ] Act no. 88.

 [57 ] See below, “The Cartulary and Charters.”

 [58 ] See act no. 92, n. 1.

 [59 ] Act no. 91.

 [60 ] The delegation was mentioned in the papal bull of 18 July 1173 (act no. 92).

 [61 ] Act no. 92.

 [62 ] Act no. 92A.

 [63 ] See act no. 99, comment.

 [64 ] Act no. 94; this text was copied into Ribemont’s cartulary.

 [65 ] Act no. 95.

 [66 ] Act no. 102.

 [67 ] The following summary of events after the thirteenth century derives from Charles Journel, “Sainte Hunégonde et l’abbaye d’Homblières,” Mémoires de la Société academique de Sciences, Arts, Belles-Lettres, Agriculture et Industrie de Saint-Quentin 51 (1935), 439-446.

 [68 ] The compte de décimes for the diocese of Noyon (1372) records a higher taxatio for Homblières (2,090 l.) than for any neighboring monastic institution except the chapter of Saint-Quentin (3,100 l.). Homblières collected almost twice as much in tithes as Prémontré, Saint-Prix, or Mont-Saint-Martin (Auguste Longnon, ed., Pouillés de la province de Reims, 2 vols. [Paris, 1908], 1:201-208).

 [69 ] The reliquary was returned to Thuret on 2 July 1679 (Coll. Picardie, vol. 302, no. 41, act of the bishop of Noyon). On that occasion three fingers were extracted from the reliquary, one each for the bishop, the monks of Homblières, and the nuns of Notre-Dame of Orléans.

 [70 ] This list is based on Louis-Paul Colliette, Mémoires pour servir à l’histoire ecclésiastique, civile et militaire de la province du Vermandois, 3 vols. (Cambrai, 1771-1772), 1:239-242, and GC, 9:1076-1078, with corrections and additions.

 [71 ] The “Annales Sancti Quintini Veromandensis” puts Berner’s death in 982 (MGH SS, 16:508). The modern editor of the obituaries of Argenteuil and Saint-Denis identifies Bernerius abbas under 6 March as the abbot of Homblières; Obituaires de la province de Sens, I: Diocèses de Sens et de Paris, ed. Auguste Molinier, 2 vols. (Paris, 1902), 1:345, n. 5; 1:311, n. 5. Berner was also named in the necrology of Gorze under 8 March but identified erroneously as abbot of Cluny; see Michel Parisse, Le nécrologe de Gorze: Contribution à l’histoire monastique (Nancy, 1971), p. 73 and n. 2.

 [72 ] An Albricus abbas is mentioned under 25 September in the obituary of Saint-Denis; the modern editor identifies him as abbot of Homblières (Obituaires, 1:327, n. 2).

 [73 ] Hugh of Flavigny, “Chronicon Verdunensi,” RHF, 10:208.

 [74 ] Henri Dauphin, Le bienheureux Richard, abbé de Saint-Vanne de Verdun,1046 (Louvain, 1946), pp. 84, 87, 175-176, 219.

 [75 ] MGH SS, 7:473.

 [76 ] Colliette, 1:239-240. Count Otto witnessed the royal act on 5 March-9 June 1021 (RHF, 10.603-604, no. 32); for the date, see William Mendel Newman, Catalogue des actes de Robert II roi de France (Paris, 1937), p. 71, no. 55.

 [77 ] Colliette, 1:239-240, and the GC, 9:1076, date Waleran’s abbacy from 1021, but elsewhere Colliette, 1:612, prefers a date of 1027. See also act no. 24 n. 1.

 [78 ] Hémeré, p. 99, and Colliette, 1:240, claim, without evidence, that Bernard was still abbot in 1049.

 [79 ] Colliette, 1:240, and GC, 9:1077.

 [80 ] RHF, 11:32.

 [81 ] GC, 9:230, 1077; Guibert de Nogent, pp. 107-108.

 [82 ] GC, 9:1027.

 [83 ] Hémeré, p. 150.

 [84 ] Act for Saint-Quentin-en-l’Ile (B.N., lat. 12895, fols. 31r-32r).

 [85 ] Act no. 44, the list of revenues and properties, dates from the mid-1130s to the mid-1140s.

 [86 ] Johannes Matthias Brixius, Die Mitglieder des Kardinalkollegiums von 1130-1181 (Berlin, 1912), p. 44.

 [87 ] Hermann of Laon, “Miracula Sanctae Mariae Laudunensis,” RHF, 14:348.

 [88 ] “Annales Elonenses,” in Philip Grierson, ed., Les annales de Saint-Pierre de Gand et de Saint-Amand (Brussels, 1937), p. 168, line 8 and n. 3.

 [89 ] 1160: Coll. Picardie, vol. 291, fol. 15 (original; a copy in Aisne, A.D., H 325, pp. 235-236, and incorrectly dated by Colliette, 1:241, to 1158). 1163: Amiens, B.M., MS 1077, Cartulaire d’Arrouaise, fols. 57r-58r (concerning a dispute between Arrouaise and Lihons over Ginchy).

 [90 ] 1163: act of Walter, bishop of Laon (Coll. Picardie, vol. 255, fol. 251; vol. 257, fols. 121-122, 125; vol. 267, fol. 308). 1172: act of Peter, abbot of Saint-Remi of Reims (B.N., Coll. Baluze, vol. 75, fol. 175, in red). 1175 (GC, 9:1078). The reference in the obituary of Collinance for December actually refers to John I.

 [91 ] 1176: act of Rainald, bishop of Noyon (Coll. Picardie, vol. 24, p. 158, no. 12; indicated by Colliette, 1:241). 1192: act for Bohéries (indicated in GC, 9:1078).

 [92 ] In 1237 he witnessed an act for Saint-Quentin-en-l’Ile; Emmanuel Lemaire, ed., Archives anciennes de la ville de Saint-Quentin, 2 vols. (Saint-Quentin, 1888-1910), 1:31.

 [93 ] Hémeré, p. 99; repeated by GC, 9:1078.

 [94 ] Stein, Cartulaire, p. 166, no. 115: witness to an act of the royal bailiff of Vermandois.

 [95 ] Obituaires, 4:203; Colliette, 1:242.

 [96 ] Notice dated 27 March, in Oise, A.D., G 1984, fol. 366v; indicated in Gustave Desjardins and Armand Rendu, Inventaire-Sommaire des Archives départementales antérieures à 1790: Oise, Archives ecclésiastiques, Série G, vol. 1 (Beauvais, 1878), p. 381.

 [97 ] Bull of Clement V of 27 February 1306, Regestum Clementis papae V, 8 vols. (Rome, 1885-1892), 1:77, no. 396; see also Bernard Barbiche, ed., Les actes pontificaux originaux des Archives Nationales de Paris, 3 vols. (Paris, 1975-1982), 3:19, no. 2274.

 [98 ] He was called Iehan Coivrel and Iehan de Coivrel in 5 December 1311 (Lemaire, Archives anciennes, 1:493-494, no. 454).

 [99 ] Act no. 141. Colliette, 1:242, thought he was the same John.

 [100 ] 1338: A.N., LL 1016, fol. 61v. May 1351: act no. 142. 15 March 1391: Lemaire, Archives anciennes, 2:384, n. 1. March 1397: Colliette, 1:242.

 [101 ] Newman speculated that a cartulary of ca. 1000 would explain why so many tenth-century acts survived (that is, as copies) to be copied into the later cartulary. It should be pointed out, however, that tenth-century texts are not unusual in northern French and Belgian ecclesiastical cartularies drawn up at a later date, and it is doubtful whether twenty-odd charters would have justified a cartulary in 1000, which is a very early date for a cartulary in northern France.

 [102 ] See above and act no. 99, comment, for the dispute.

 [103 ] See n. 153.

 [104 ] Mabillon had earlier printed one text (act no. 8) in his De re diplomatica (Paris, 1681) that was taken “ex chartario Hummolariensi a D. d’Herouval communicato” (p. 571), apparently a reference to an original charter. The texts in his Acta sanctorum all derive from Hémeré’s edition.

 [105 ] Colliette prints only the texts already found in Hémeré, although it is curious that he reproduces a seal that is not in either lat. 13911 or H 588 (act no. 5). Perhaps he, as well as Hémeré, saw some original charters from the archives of Homblières.

 [106 ] Robert Wyard, “Humolariensis monasterii historia,” part 2 of a volume that includes the histories of Saint-Quentin-en-l’Ile and Saint-Prix, dated 14 October 1673 (Saint-Quentin, B.M., MS 95). There exist two later copies of Wyard’s manuscript. The first is a history of Homblières only, completed before 1715 (Aisne, A.D., H 589; a later hand added the names of five monks there in 22 July 1715 with the comment that Thuret “revived” the community). The second is a nineteenth-century copy of Wyard’s three histories by Charles Perin (Soissons, B.M., Collection Perin, MS 3308; pp. 49-87 contain the part on Homblières).

 [107 ] B.N. lat. 13911. A description is in Henri Stein, Bibliographie générale des cartulaires français ou relatifs à l’histoire de France (Paris, 1907), no. 1699. A later hand added on the first folio: “Bibliotheca St. Germani a Pratis Parisiensis.” Newman dated this copy to the seventeenth century. See also n. 110.

 [108 ] See David Knowles, “Jean Mabillon,” in The Historian and Character and Other Essays (Cambridge, Eng., 1963), and “The Maurists,” in Great Historical Enterprises: Problems in Monastic History (London, 1964).

 [109 ] Aisne, A.D., H 588. See the description in Stein, Bibliographie générale, no. 1699. Newman dated this copy to the eighteenth century. Van der Straeten, p. 50, n. 1, reported in 1954 that an anonymous note attached to H 588 stated that Thuret was the author of the cartulary; the note has since disappeared. See also n. 110.

 [110 ] Newman argued that each copy contains words and phrases not found in the other and therefore both were made directly from the original cartulary. Misonne, p. 149, considers H 588 to be a copy of lat. 13911, while Stein, Bibliographie générale, no. 1699, states that lat. 13911 (which he dates to the eighteenth century) is a copy of H 588 (which he dates to the seventeenth century). Another copy of the cartulary was known to Maxime de Sars, Le Laonnois féodal, 5 vols. (Paris, 1924-1934), 2:180, n. 5, who said that it was in the Château de Bourguignon. Newman assumed it was a copy of lat. 13911 or H 588.

 [111 ] For these two collections, see H. Omont, Inventaire des manuscrits de la Collection Moreau (Paris, 1891), and Philippe Lauer, Collections manuscrites sur l’histoire des provinces de France: Inventaire, 2 vols. (Paris, 1905-1911), vol. 2.

 [112 ] Newman remained puzzled by the order of the charters and failed to work out a solution that satisfied him. He analyzed very closely Dom Caffiaux’s “Généalogies des familles de France avant 1400” (B.N., fr. 33085, fols. 275-281) that summarized a number of acts in a “Cartulaire de l’abbé de Homblières dont une copie chez Colliette, curé de Gricourt.” Caffiaux’s references are in complete disaccord with lat. 13911 and H 588 (Colliette probably had H 588, which he corrected from Hémeré’s edition). Newman was unable to explain the discrepancies but did discover that Caffiaux was careless in a number of cases and even misattributed several acts belonging to the cartulary of Homblières (citing instead the cartulary of Mont-Saint-Martin). As Newman suspected, Caffiaux is not only unreliable but even misleading.

 [113 ] The first section in lat. 13911 (fols. 1-13; see also the “Concordance of the Cartulary Manuscripts,” below, pp. 32-34) includes King Louis IV’s expulsion of the nuns in 949 and Count Herbert IV’s confirmation of the abbey’s rights of justice in 1075.

 [114 ] In lat. 13911, fols. 14-32.

 [115 ] In lat. 13911, fols. 33-60.

 [116 ] In lat. 13911, fols. 61-78.

 [117 ] In lat. 13911, fols. 79-90.

 [118 ] In lat. 13911, fols. 91-92 (acts nos. 97, 98, neither of which is rubricated). An administrative notice on the rights of the mayor of Homblières (act no. 96) can be dated to 1176-1180. It too was probably a late entry to a completed cartulary (lat. 13911, fol. 74). Two undated acts of the twelfth century (nos. 106, 107) appear earlier in the cartulary (lat. 13911, fols. 62, 69): the first belongs to the list of revenues of 1136-1146 (see act no. 44, comment); the second certainly should be dated before 1180.

 [119 ] The royal act of 1224 (act no. 117) was inserted immediately after the first item in the cartulary, Alexander III’s bull of 1169. Several brief notices were added to the last folios of the cartulary in the fourteenth century (acts nos. 128C, 140-143). H 588 contains an undated ordo of the episcopal synod of Noyon (act no. 144).

 [120 ] A brief notice from 1585 on the last folio of lat. 13911 (fol. 98) is omitted here; it contains an extract from act no. 128C.

 [121 ] There are seven extracts from texts in which Homblières is mentioned: acts nos. 45, 46, 90, 93, 100, 120, 133.

 [122 ] See A. Giry, Manuel de diplomatique (Paris, 1894), pp. 6-10, and Robert-Henri Bautier, “Caractères spécifiques des chartes médiévales,” in Lucie Fossier, André Vauchez, and Cinzio Violante, eds., Informatique et histoire médiévale (Rome, 1977), pp. 81-83.

 [123 ] Act no. 25.

 [124 ] Pierre Gasnault, “Les actes privés de l’abbaye de Saint-Martin de Tours du VIIIe au XIIe siècle,” Bibliothèque de l’Ecole des Chartes 112 (1954), 33-34.

 [125 ] Acts nos. 4 (Lothair) and 37 (bishop of Noyon).

 [126 ] Act no. 47 states that the bishop of Laon ordered the document written and divided as a chirograph between the two parties; acts nos. 46A and 60 also state that they were divided as chirographs.

 [127 ] Although the text of act no. 58 does not refer to a chirograph, the original document is in fact a chirograph. The half with the seal of Homblières was preserved in the archives of Prémontré, while the other half with the seal of Prémontré was given to Homblières (it survives only as a copy in the cartulary of Homblières). See also acts nos. 69, 70.

 [128 ] Chirographs involving ecclesiastical institutions: acts nos. 47, 58, 60, 62, 63, 65, 69, 70, 74, 75, 78 (one of the cartulary copies refers to a chirograph, although the text itself refers only to a scriptum with separate seals), 82, 91, 101, 101A. Chirographs involving laymen as one party: acts nos. 42, 46A, 49, 50, 66, 71, 76.

 [129 ] Act no. 42 of 1136-1145 clearly states that it is a chirograph with the names of witnesses and abbey’s seal; the text calls it a conventio, that is, a mutual agreement. The layman involved is identified as a knight in 1136-1146 (act no. 44, chap. 26).

 [130 ] Acts nos. 66, 71, 76 (a feudal tenent of Homblières transferred his fief to Mont-Saint-Martin). See also acts nos. 49 and 50.

 [131 ] Acts nos. 4-6, 38, 53, 59, 88. There are also 2 charters of the vidimus type: acts nos. 119, 128 (see also act no. 110A).

 [132 ] Acts nos. 56, 89, 91 (a chirograph), 92, 94, 95, 99 (forged), 100A, 102, 103, 123, 125, 126, 127, 128A, 128B, 128D, 130, 131, 132, 134.

 [133 ] Act no. 56.

 [134 ] Act no. 128 (vidimus of a legal judgment).

 [135 ] Acts nos. 95, 100A.

 [136 ] Act no. 36.

 [137 ] The bishop of Noyon refers to his seal later in the same year (act no. 37).

 [138 ] Act no. 39.

 [139 ] Acts nos. 41, 42, 58, 60, 63.

 [140 ] Act no. 100A of ca. 1186 (earliest example of the abbot’s seal); act no. 112 of 1219 (first reference to both the abbot’s and the chapter’s seals together).

 [141 ] Act no. 118.

 [142 ] It is of course possible that these internal notices corresponded to formal charters, now lost, that were given to the interested parties.

 [143 ] Acts nos. 26, 34, 83, 84, 86, 87, 97.

 [144 ] Acts nos. 96, 107, 141.

 [145 ] Acts nos. 44 (n. 1 and comment), 106, 128C, 140, 144.

 [146 ] Newman attached act no. 110A (a vidimus) to act no. 58, but act no. 110A contains modifications of the earlier act and rightfully deserves a separate identity. However, act no. 106, which should be part of act no. 44, has been left in place so as not to disrupt the sequence of the acts.

 [147 ] Acts nos. 132, 137, and 138; and three acts from Saint-Feuillien (numbered here 128A, 128B, and 128D). Newman thanked M. Gabriel Wymans, archivist at the Archives d’Etat of Mons (Belgium), for bringing these items to his attention and for collating act no. 103A. In the summer of 1980 M. Wymans most graciously helped me to complete the collation of the texts from Saint-Feuillien du Roeulx at Mons.

 [148 ] Acts nos. 46A, 79A, 91A, 92A, 92B, 100A, 122A, 128C, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144.

 [149 ] In a few cases, variants are of interest for the light they shed on scribal practices at Homblières. For example, the variants in lat. 13911 and H 588 to act no. 62, which still exists in the original, derive from the scribe of the medieval cartulary of Homblières, whereas the variants in Hémeré’s version of the same act (he probably saw the original charter) were introduced by him. See also act no. 58.

 [150 ] Hémeré published thirty-four texts from both the medieval cartulary and original charters (see n. 153).

 [151 ] Wyard, Colliette, Mabillon, and the RHF derive from Hémeré, while the Collections de Picardie and Moreau derive from H 588. Colliette might have seen H 588 (his version of act no. 5 is longer than the text printed by Hémeré) and was perhaps responsible for the corrections in H 588, but he did not publish anything beyond what Hémeré had already printed. Modern editions of papal and royal acts are based on both lat. 13911 and H 588.

 [152 ] Most of the corrections to lat. 13911 and H 588 appear to have been made by hands other than those of the original copyists, although it is often difficult to distinguish between original corrections and changes by later hands. Hémeré’s edition was the basis of many changes (probably by Colliette) in H 588 (see act no. 4 variant b; act no. 23 variant d; act no. 27 variant n), but whoever assumed that Hémeré offered the better text was mistaken. In fact, Hémeré often misread texts, and he omitted entire phrases and the names of witnesses that were not pertinent to his interests. Whenever the scribes of H 588 and lat. 13911 corrected their own errors, the variants are ignored here.

 [153 ] Hémeré states that he took his texts from a cartulary (“e chartulario eodem Humolar.,” “ex chartul. monaster.”) as well as from charters in the archives of Homblières (“chartae Humolariens,” acts nos. 12, 52, 116; “chartae eiusdem loci,” acts nos. 30, 40, 48, 55; “ex archivis,” acts nos. 19, 21). While the reference to a cartulary might have been to one of the copies of the medieval cartulary (but see the argument below), his readings of the items that he claims were in the archives are quite divergent from both lat. 13911 and H 588, and appear to be defective transcriptions that he made from the original acts. For example, his version of act no. 62, which survives in the original, is defective and certainly not taken from any other known copy. Moreover, he gives the text of a forged act (no. 116) that he claims was made from the original charter in the archives of Homblières but which is not known from any other reference. Clearly, Hémeré had access to some original documents from the abbey’s archives, and Misonne was justified in recognizing the independent authority of Hémeré’s edition.

 [154 ] In the thirteenth century Annunciation marked the beginning of the year in the diocese of Reims, in the county of Ponthieu, and in Arras and Amiens. See G. Robert, “Le style usité pour les actes depuis le XIIIe siècle,” Le Moyen Age 15 (1911), 252, n. 3; Clovis Brunel, ed., Recueil des actes des comtes de Pontieu, 1026-1279 (Paris, 1930), pp. lxii-lxiii (for the years 1226-1262); and Joseph Estienne, “Usage du style de l’Annonciation à Arras et à Amiens au début du XIIIe siècle,” Bibliothèque de l’Ecole des Chartes 98 (1937), 217-220.

 [155 ] Georges Tessier, Diplomatique royale française (Paris, 1962), p. 227. The act of King Louis VIII dated February 1223 (no. 117) should be dated 1224 (N.S.) because he became king in July 1223. The abbot of Homblières and the bishop of Noyon followed that date in their own confirmations (acts nos. 118, 119). In a later example, act no. 125, dated 28 January 1252, is followed by three related acts (nos. 126-128) dated May 1253; the first act should be dated 1253 (N.S.).


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II. THE CHARTERS

1

Transmar, bishop of Vermandois and Noyon (Forged or remade)

Transmar, bishop of Vermandois and Noyon, grants the request of Bertha,2 abbess of Notre-Dame of Homblières, for the altar of Saint-Etienne in the villa of Homblières. This was done at the urging of King Louis [IV] and on the advice of Artold, archbishop of Reims, and his suffragans. In commemoration of the recent discovery of Saint Hunegund’s body, Transmar remits the annual payment of 2 s. due from the altar.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 37r-v, with the title “De altari sancti Stephani dato huic ecclesiae a Transmaro episcopo Noviomensi.” C: H 588, pp. 35-36, with the same title as B. D: Wyard, pp. 16-17, copy of a.

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, text, pp. 94-95, copy of a “charta.” (b) Mabillon, Acta sanctorum, 5:213-214, copy of a. (c) Colliette, 1:561-562, copy of a. (d) Misonne, pp. 150-153, no. 17, based on BCa.

Trans.: Charles, 2:80-81.

Ind.: Mabillon, Annales, 3:451. Bréquigny, 1:414. Matton, p. 94. Lauer, Le règne de Louis IV, p. 157, n. 2.

Egoa in Dei nomine [chrismon] Transmarus, sanctae ecclesiae Vermandensis ac Noviomensis indignusb episcopus, notum facio sanctae ecclesiae fidelibus in nostram venisse praesentiam dominam Bertham, Humolariensis monasterii abbatissam, humiliter deprecantem ut altare sancti Stephani ecclesiae quae est in eadem villa Humolarias,c in quad sedet praefata abbatia, loco sanctae Mariae et sanctaee Hunegundis daremus ad usus congregationis ibi Deo militantis. Cuius humillimam petitionem intimando domino Ludovico regi, simulque domino Artoldo archiepiscopo ecclesiae Rhemensis suisque suffraganeis nostris coepiscopis praefati regis imperio, dominique metropolitani caeterorumque episcoporum consilio petitioni tam humillimae decrevimus libentissime parere. Dedimus ergo ad praefatum
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locum sanctae Mariae et sanctae Hunegundis praefatum altare congregationi eiusdem monasterii in perpetuum habendum sine ulla contradictione, ea videlicet ratione ut omni anno duos solidos denariorum persolvat secundum quod iubet authoritas propter honorem cathedrae episcopalis; et quia corpus sanctae Hunegundis tam venerabilis virginis hoc anno, Deo volente, coruscantibus miraculis de terra levatum est, praefatum altare dedimus libenter. Iubemus itaque ut defuncta persona ante episcopum adducatur, altera cui idem episcopus altare praescriptumf sine pecunia donet, et curam animarum commendet. Et ut hoc donum inviolabile permaneat et inconvulsum, hanc chartamg scribere praecepimus et signo sanctaeh Crucis insignivimus, authoritatequei sanctae Trinitatis, Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti excommunicamusj et a liminibus sanctae ecclesiae separamusk illos omnes qui praefatum altare a loco sanctae Hunegundis vi aut ingenio abstulerint. Signuml Ludovici regis. Signum Gerbergae reginae et Lotharii filii eius. Signum Hugonis ducis. Signum Heriberti comitis. Signum Arnulfim marchisii. Signum Adelelmin militis. Signum Rainaldi militis.o Signum Theodaldip militis. Signum Helbertiq militis.3 Signum Evrardir militis. Signum Gerberti militis. Signum Artoldis Rhemensis archiepiscopi. Signum Rodulfit Laudunensisu episcopi. Signum Transmari Noviomensis episcopi. Signum Abonis Suessionensis episcopi.v Signum Stephani Morinorum episcopi. Signum Geraldiw Ambianensis episcopi. Signum Ingerranix Cameracensis episcopi. Signum Gildieriy Meledensisz episcopi. Signum Evagriiaa Triectensisbb episcopi. Signumcc Hincmaridd abbatis Sancti Remigii. Actum Lauduno Clavato, anno Dominicae incarnationis DCCCCXLVII, quarto idus aprilis, indictione V, epacta XXVI, concurrente XVI,ee regnante Ludovico rege anno XI.ff Oddo diaconus scripsit et relegit vice et iussu Erchembodigg cancellarii domini Transmari Noviomensis episcopi.


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COMMENT

Discrepancies in the elements of the date (see above, n. 1) are themselves insufficient grounds to reject the authenticity of this act, as it was not unusual for the elements in tenth-century charters to disagree. The witness list is a more serious difficulty. “Gerold,” bishop of Amiens, is probably a scribal error for Derold, who died late in 946 or 947 (GC, 10:1161). But Abbo, bishop of Soissons, died in 937 (ibid., 9:346) and Stephen, bishop of Thérouanne, died ca. 935 (ibid., 10:1536), whereas Ingeran did not become bishop of Cambrai before 957 (ibid., 3:16). The date of Transmar’s death is in doubt: both the Annales Blandinienses and the Annales Elmarenses (Grierson, p. 18, line 12, and p. 85, line 18) give the 12th kalends of April (21 March) 949, which Grierson corrects to 950 because of a reference in Flodoard (ibid., p. 18, n. 6). Newman agreed with Lauer that the charter was “forged or remade.”

When viewed in the context of events in the mid-tenth century, however, this charter appears less a total forgery than a slightly altered or perhaps incorrectly copied authentic act. The witness Count Herbert was probably not Herbert II, count of Vermandois (900/907-943), but rather his son Herbert the Elder, count of Château-Thierry from 943 to 980/984 (Bur, pp. 88, 96, tables 2, 4). Herbert II of Vermandois, an intractable enemy of the Carolingians, had placed his son Hugh, a boy of six years of age, on the see of Reims in 925. Hugh was displaced in 931 when Artold was elected archbishop, and it was the latter who consecrated Louis IV at Laon in 936. Herbert II captured the city of Reims and reinstalled his son, but after Herbert’s death the king reestablished control over the city and returned Artold to the see of Reims in 946 (for these events, see Dumas, “L’église de Reims”). The ties between Louis IV and Artold were thus cemented by events, and it was natural for the king to support the archbishop’s extensive reform efforts (946-961). It is quite understandable that Artold exploited the discovery of Hunegund’s body to solicit a royal act from Louis during a visit to Laon, thereby supporting Abbess Bertha whom Artold had encouraged to reform the monastery at Homblières.


2

King Louis [IV]

King Louis [IV], at the request of Albert [I], count [of Vermandois], and of Eilbert [of Florennes]2 and his wife Hersend, replaces the nuns of Homblières, who have not lived honestly enough or obeyed a strict enough monastic rule, with monks obedient to the Benedictine rule and to an abbot. The monastery will henceforth be free from all secular control.
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Among those present and approving the transfer are Artold, archbishop [of Reims]; Guy, bishop [of Soissons]; Gibuin, bishop [of Châlons-sur-Marne]; Hincmar, abbot [of Saint-Remi of Reims]; and Ragenold, count [of Roucy].

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 9r-v, with the title “De expulsione sanctimonialium et quomodo monachi intraverint.” C: H 588, pp. 12-13, with the same title as B. D: Wyard, pp. 18-19, copy of a.

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, regestum, p. 29, “ex chartul. monaster. Humolar.” (b) Marlot, Metropolis Remensis historia, 1:578-579; French edition, Histoire de la ville, cité et université de Reims, 2:833, no. 42, copy of a. (c) Mabillon, Acta sanctorum, 2:1025, copy of a. (d) RHF, 9:605, no. 24, copy of a. (e) Colliette, 1:562-563, copy of a. (f) Lauer, Recueil, pp. 76-77, no. 32, based on BCa. (g) Misonne, pp. 153-154, no. 18, copy of f.

Ind.: Mabillon, Annales, 3:455-456. Bréquigny, 1:415. Böhmer, no. 2018. Matton, p. 93.

In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis. Ludovicus gratia Dei Francorum rex. Si divinis cultibus operam dantes, ecclesiam Dei ad summum sacrae religionis statum sustollere conamur, regio iure ac progenitorum nostrorum privilegiis utimur. Quocirca omnium sanctae Dei ecclesiae fidelium tam praesentium quam eta futurorum noverit solertia quoniamb nostram adeuntes praesentiam Adalbertus,c inclitae indolis comes, una cum nobili viro Eilberto et coniuge sua Hersendi,d suppliciter nostram exorantes munificentiam ut cuidam locello in pago Viromandensie sito qui vulgo dicitur Humolarias, quof sacratissima sponsa Christi Hunegundis diem expectat beatae remunerationis,g nostra dignaretur subvenire clementia quatenus quibusdam sanctimonialibus inibi non satis honeste viventibus et regulari districtionih subiici nolentibus inde remotis substituerentur monachi qui obedirent regulae et abbati. Quod nostra annuente authoritate, praedictus Eilbertus praedictam abbatiam domino suo comiti, videlicet Adalberto, reddidit; isdem vero comes nostrae ditioni eamdem obtulit, ea scilicet ratione ut praecepto nostrae authoritatis ita hanc muniri iuberemus quo, absque ulla omnino diminutione et sine aliqua alicubi subiectione, abbati regulari concessa inviolabilis in perpetuum permaneret. Favente igitur coniuge nostra et venerabili archiepiscopo Artaldo cum episcopis Widone et Gibuinoi et clarissimo abbate Hincmaro et monachis eiusdem congregationis et comitibus, praedicto Adalberto et Ragenoldo, cunctisque fidelibus nostris qui aderant precantibus et laudantibus, ita fieri decrevimus cum quorum omnium consilio iam saepe dictam abbatiam cum omni integritate pro regula in eodem loco observanda abbati regulari habendam in
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 39 ]] 
perpetuum statuimus. Et ut nostrae authoritatisj emolumentumk per succedentia temporum curricula inviolabiliterl conservetur, manu nostra eumm subtus firmantes sigillon corroborari praecipimuso nostro. Sigillump domini Ludovici [monogramma]q gloriosissimi regis Francorum. Odilor notarius ad vicem Artaldis archiepiscopi summique cancellarii recognovit. Actum Rhemist civitate in monasterio sancti Remigii, kalendasu octobris, indictione VI, anno XIIII, regnante Ludovico rege glorioso, annov incarnationis Domini DCCCCXLVIII.


3

Albert [I], count [of Vermandois]

Albert [I], count [of Vermandois] and abbot [of Saint-Quentin], confirms the exchange that his faithful Gerbert and the latter’s knight Anser made with Berner, abbot of Homblières, of the land of Saint-Quentin in the villa of Fresnoy-le-Grand for the land of Homblières in the villa of Fontaine-Notre-Dame.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 58, with the title “De commutatione terrae Fontenellis quam fecerunt canonici Sancti Quintini cum monachis Humolariensibus pro terra Fraxiniaci.” C: H 588, p. 53, with the same title as B except “Fontenellis” is corrected to “Fontanellis.”

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, regestum, pp. 30-31. “ex chartul. monaster. Humolar.” (b) Colliette, 1:565-566, copy of a.

Ind.: Bréquigny, 1:424. Matton, p. 95.

In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti. Adalbertus comes et abbas. Notum sit cunctis sanctae matris ecclesiae filiis tam praesentibus
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quam futuris quod ad nostram accesserunta praesentiam quidam ex fidelibus nostris, Gerbertus scilicet, et Anserus miles eius et Bernerus abbas cellae Humolariensis, postulantes ut quamdam commutationem quam inter se fecerunt nostra authoritate firmaremus, de terra scilicet Sancti Quintini quae iacet in villa quae dicitur Fraxiniacusb et de terra sanctae Mariae et sanctae Hunegundis quae iacet in villa quae diciturb Fontanas. Quibus inter se bene convenientibus, quod petebant facere decernentes, hanc chartam fieri iussimus et manu propria firmavimus. Et si quis, quod nequaquam futurum credimus, contra hanc cautionem insurgere et hanc violare tentaverit, in primis iram Dei omnipotentis incurrat et quinquec auri libras exsolvat et eius contentiosa repetitio inanis fiat. Signum Adalberti comitis. Signum Gerbergaed uxoris eius. Signum Gisonis custodis. Signum Robertie decani. Signum Waldinif praepositi. Signum Tannoardig presbyteri. Signum Teuuardi presbyteri.h Signumi Crispini diaconi. Signum Anselmi diaconi. Albrici diaconi.j Gerberti vassalli. Goterani.k Gerardi vassalli. Hildradil castelli.m Anserin vassalli.o Actum in monasterio Sancti Quintini, anno incarnationis Dominicae DCCCCLIV, indictione XII. Albricus cancellarius recognovit et subscripsit.


4

King Lothair

King Lothair, at the request of Berner, abbot of Homblières, confirms the act of his father [Louis IV] that reformed the monastery (act no. 2).

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 10 r-v, with the title “Charta Lotharii Regis. Mortuo autem rege Ludovico, vice genitoris Lotharius constituitur rex in regno, qui domini abbatis Bernerii petitionibus pie assensum praebuit, cum ad instar iuris paterni hoc etiam sua authoritate praeceptum fieri mandavit.” C: H 588, pp. 13-14, with the same title as B. D: Wyard, pp. 20-21, copy of a.

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, regestum, p. 30, “ex chartul. monaster. Humolar.” (b) RHF, 9: 622-623, no. 9, copy of a. (c) Colliette, 1:563, copy of a. (d) Halphen and Lot, pp. 18-19, no. 9, based on BCa.

Ind.: Bréquigny, 1:429. Matton, p. 93.


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In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis. Lotharius gratia Dei Francorum rex. Sia divinis cultibus operam dantes sacrae religioni suffragari nitimur, progenitorum nostrorum privilegiis fulti, regio more utimur. Igitur notum sit universis sanctae matris ecclesiae filiis tam praesentibus quam futuris quia accessit Bernerus abbas, qui cellae Humolariensi praeest, nostram humiliter exorans clementiam ut idem coenobium, in honore sanctae Dei genitricis et semper virginis Mariae constructum, cui, ut diximus, praeest, authoritatis nostrae munimine tutaretur,b quod videlicet pia nostri genitoris clementia ad melioris vitae studium iam ante fuerat relevatum necnon signo regiae subscriptionis munitum, hoc idem apud ipsum impetrantibus comite Adalberto ac venerabili viro Eilberto, qui eamdem abbatiam cum omni integritate ob amorem Dei omnipotentis et suarum remedium animarum sanctae Dei genitrici Mariae et sanctae Hunegundi reddentes, piae memoriae patris nostri manibus tradiderunt quatenus monachi inibi regulariter viventes absque ulla perturbatione soli Deo militarent. Sed quia repetitio confirmatio est, non abc re fieri credimus, si praedicti abbatis multorumque religiosorum monachorum supplicationibus evicti, eorum petitionibus assensum praebemus. Quod facere decernentes, eamdem abbatiam absque ulla diminutione abbati cum monachis viventibus regulariter in perpetuum habendam concessimus atque, excellentissimi genitoris nostri vestigia sequentes, praefatam authoritatemd praecepto nostrae potestatis corroborari iussimus nostroque annulo signavimus ut2 si quis eidem cellae villam aut mansum sive campum subtrahere voluerit, in primis omnipotentis Dei iram incurrat, deinde centum auri libras persolvat et ab omni possessione privatus nostro regno exul fiat.


5

Pope Agapitus [II]

Pope Agapitus [II],2 at the request of King Lothair, declares that no secular person may hold the monastery of Notre-Dame of Homblières or usurp any of its possessions except
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for defending it, and then only with the abbot’s permission. The pope also confirms the following possessions: the villa of Homblières in which the abbey is located, Méricourt, Cugny, and twelve manses with fishing rights in the villa of Frise on the river Somme.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 13r-v, with the title “Agapiti papae de munitione et tranquillitate huius ecclesiae et villarum sibi adiacentium.” C: H 588, pp. 16-17, with the same title as B. D: Wyard, p. 20, copy of a.

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, text, pp. 95-96, incomplete. (b) Colliette, 1:563-564, “extrait du cartulaire,” a longer selection than a, and a reading in agreement with C; reproduction of the seal, which is not in BC. (c) PL, 133:930-932, copy of a. (d) Misonne, pp. 156-157, no. 20, based on BCa. (e) Zimmermann, 1:235-237, no. 132.

Trans.: Charles, 2:82-83, fragment.

Ind.: Matton, p. 93. Jaffé-Wattenbach, no. 3672. De Cagny, 1:533. Lohrmann, Papsturkunden, p. 122, no. 1, and Kirchengut, p. 64. Böhmer-Zimmermann, no. 245.

In nomine sanctae et inseparabilis Trinitatis. Agapitus, Christi adminiculante misericordia, sanctae Romanae sedis antistes. Si iustisa petitionibus praestabiles voto piorum assensum praebemus, voluntati Domini nos militare credimus. Ergo notum sit universis catholicae matris ecclesiae filiis tamb praesentibus quam futurisb quod misit ad nos filius noster gloriosae indolis puer, scilicet Lotharius rex Francorum, paternitatem nostram humiliter obsecrans ut quamdam cellam in pago Viromandensi sitam, in honore beatae Dei genitricis et perpetuae virginisc Mariae et sanctae Hunegundis virginis constructam, apostolicae authoritatis praesidio muniremus. Quam suggerentibus genitori suo Ludovico videlicet regi et sibi ipsi aeque regi, comite Adalberto, et idoneo satis viro Eilberto qui eamdem abbatiolam iure beneficii possidebat, ad sacrae religionis venerabilemd cultum erigere conatur, atque regiae potestatis praecepto corroborare nititur. Cuius petitioni congaudentes ecclesiastici vigoris manum exerimus, et ex ea, qua fulcimur, apostolicae authoritatef praecipimus ut praefatam abbatiam nemo unquam saecularium possideat, neque ex rebus eiusdem cellae quicquam sibi aliquis usurpet, non rex, non comes, non episcopus, nec quilibet princeps quacumque potestate praeditus, nisi forte tuendi ac defendendi causa, et hoc non nisi eiusdem loci regularis abbatisg fiat permissione. Si quis vero pro hac adipiscenda pecuniam vel quodlibet munus regi aut cuilibet principi dederit sive promiserit, subinferendae maledictioni subiacebit. Sit igitur eidem cellae abbas secundum regulam sanctih Benedicti constitutus et monachi regulari districtioni subiecti, quos de rebus eiusdem cellae aliquod dispendium perpeti cum omni imperio prohibemus. Res veroi eiusdem ecclesiae
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sunt: Humolarias villa, inj qua eadem cella constructa est, cum mansionibus cunctis ad se pertinentibus; Merulficurtisk cum adiacentiis suis; Cauviniacus cum mansis ad se pertinentibus; in villa quae dicitur Frisia super fluvium Summam XII mansi quos pro commoditate piscium eidem ecclesiae perpetualiter habere liceat. Haec itaque et si qua alia eadem ecclesia Domino opitulante adquirere sibi potuerit, apostolica fulta authoritate licenter et sine aliqua contradictione possidebit.j Si quis vero contra huius apostolici privilegii tutelam aliquid sinistril molitus fuerit et ex his quae dicta sunt aliqua pervertere male loquendo voluerit, hunc cum auxilio Domini nostri Iesu Christi et adiutorio beatae Mariae semperque virginis genitricis eiusdem Dei et Domini nostri, faventibus nobis omnium coelestium virtutum beatissimis spiritibus et annuentibus sanctorum patriarcharum et prophetarum agminibus, ex authoritate beatissimi Petri apostolorum principis cum omnibus apostolis et discipulis Domini, martyrum etiam sive confessorum et virginum ad hoc suffragantibus meritis, cum assensu comprovincialium pontificum et huius sanctae sedis suffraganeis episcopis excommunicamus et anathematizamus, et a liminibus sanctae Dei ecclesiae sequestrantes ab omni christianorum societate separamus ut sub huius anathematis vinculo poenaliter innodatus sit anathema maranatha. Fiat, fiat.


6

Pope John [XII]

Pope John [XII], at the request of Berner, abbot of Notre-Dame of Homblières, confirms the possessions of the monastery. The text is the same as the confirmation of Pope Agapitus II (act no. 5), with the addition of lands at Heudicourt and Fresnoy-le-Grand.2


 [[ Print Edition Page No. 44 ]] 

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 8r-v, with the title “De immunitate et pace huius ecclesiae villarumque eius atque rerum ad eas pertinentium,” and a facsimile of the seal. C: H 588, pp. 11-12, with the same title and facsimile of seal as B. D: Wyard, pp. 22-23, copy of a.

Pub.: (a) Mabillon, Acta sanctorum, 2:1025-1030, incomplete copy of B? (b) Cocquelines, 1:257, copy of a. (c) RHF, 9:234-235, copy of a. (d) Colliette, 1: 566, copy of a. (e) PL, 133:1015, incomplete copy of a. (f) Misonne, pp. 158-161, no. 21, based on BCa. (g) Lohrmann, Papsturkunden, pp. 230-232, no. 4, based on BCa. (h) Zimmermann, 1:250-252, no. 138.

Ind.: Bréquigny, 1:427. Matton, p. 93. Jaffé-Wattenbach, no. 3675. Böhmer-Zimmermann, no. 264. Lohrmann, Kirchengut, pp. 64, 80.

Ioannes episcopus servus servorum Dei, venerabili abbati Bernero beatae Dei genitricis Mariae virginis ecclesiae et per eam cunctae congregationi in perpetuum. Sia iustis petitionibus praestabiles piorum assensum praebemus, voluntati Domini nos militare credimus. Ergo notum sit universis catholicae matris ecclesiae filiis tam praesentibus quam futuris quod misit ad nos filius noster gloriosae indolis puer, scilicet Lotharius rex Francorum, paternitatem nostram humiliter obsecrans ut quamdam cellam in pago Veromandensib sitam, in honore beatae Dei genitricis virginis Mariae et sanctae Hunegundis virginis constructam, apostolicae authoritatis praesidioc muniremus. Quam suggerentibus genitori suo Ludovico videlicetd regi et sibi ipsi aeque regi, comite Adalberto,e et idoneo satis viro Eilbertof qui eamdem abbatiolam iure beneficii possidebat, ad sacrae religionis venerabilem cultum erigere conatur, atque regiae potestatis praecepto corroborare nititur. Cuius petitioni congaudentes ecclesiastici vigoris manum exerimus,g et ex ea, qua fulcimur, authoritate apostolicah praecipimus ut praefatam abbatiam nemo unquam saecularium possideat, neque ex rebus eiusdem cellae quicquam sibi aliquis usurpet, non rex, non comes, non episcopus, nec quilibet princeps quacumque potestate praeditus, nisi forte tuendi ac defendendi causa, et hoc non nisi eiusdem loci regularis abbatis fiat permissione. Si quis vero pro hac adipiscenda pecuniam vel quodlibet munus regi aut cuilibet principi dederit sive promiserit, subinferendae maledictioni subiacebit. Sit igitur eidem cellae abbas secundum regulam sanctii Benedicti constitutus et monachi regulari districtione subiecti, quos de rebus eiusdem cellae aliquod dispendium perpeti cum omni imperio prohibemus. Res vero eiusdem ecclesiae sunt:j Humolarias villa, in qua eadem cella constructa est, cum mansionibus cunctis ad se pertinentibus; Merulficurtis cum adiacentiis suis; Eudoldicurtisk cum appenditiis suis; Fraxiniacus cum appenditiis suis; Caviniacus cum mansis ad se pertinentibus; in villa quae dicitur Frisia super fluvium Summaml XII mansi, quos pro commoditate piscium eidem ecclesiae perpetualiter habere liceat. Haec itaque et si qua alia ecclesia eadem Domino opitulante adquirere sibim potuerit,
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apostolica fultan authoritate licenter et sine aliqua contradictione possidebit. Si quis vero contra huius apostolici privilegii tutelam aliquid sinistri molitus fuerit et ex his quae dicta sunt aliqua pervertere voluerit, hunc cum auxilio Domini nostri Iesu Christi et adiutorio beatae Mariae semper virginis genitricis eiusdem Dei eto Domini nostri,p faventibus nobisq omnium coelestium virtutum beatissimis spiritibus et annuentibusr sanctorum patriarcharum et prophetarum agminibus, ex authoritate beatissimi Petri apostolorum principis cum omnibus apostolis et discipulis Domini, martyrum etiam sive confessorum ac virginum ad hocs suffragantibus meritis, cum assensu comprovincialiumt pontificum et huius sanctae sedis suffraganeis episcopis excommunicamus et anathematisamusu et a liminibus sanctae Dei ecclesiae sequestrantesv ab omni christianorum societate separamus etw sub huius anathematis vinculo poenaliter innodatus sit anathema maranatha. Fiat, fiat. Scriptum per manum Leonis sacri scriniox sanctae sedis apostolicae in mense ianuario, indictioney XIV. Bene valete. Datum IV nonas ianuarii per manum Georgii secundiceriiz sanctae sedis apostolicae, anno primo, Domino propitio, pontificatus domini Ioannis summi pontificis etaa universalis papae, in primo mense et indictione XIV.bb


7

The knight Wallo

The knight Wallo, for the redemption of the soul of his beloved wife Frednid, and with the consent of his sons Wallo and Gilbert and his daughters Bertha and Frednid, gives to the monastery of Homblières four manses of allod with the appurtenant vineyard, meadows, and woods in the villa of Remigny. The monastery may freely dispose of two of these manses.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 32r-v, with the title “De quatuor mansis alodii cum vinea et pratis et sylvis ad se pertinentibus in villa quae Ruminiacus dicitur quam dedit sanctae Mariae
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sanctaeque Hunegundi Wallo miles pro remedio animae suae et coniugis suae.” C: H 588, p. 31, with the same title as B. D: Coll. Picardie, vol. 233, fol. 86, copy of C. E: Coll. Moreau, vol. 8, fol. 217, copy of C.

Ind.: Matton, p. 94.

In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti. Si iuxta dictum apostoli salubre censemus ut aliquid de rebus nostrae proprietatis pro animae remedio in oblatione omnipotenti Deo sincere offeramus, sine dubio firmiter decet credere quod copiosam mercedem retribuet nobis dominus pro tali actione. Quapropter noverit universitas fidelium tam praesentium quam futurorum quod ego Wallo, quamvis miles indignus, sub praedictae rationis consideratione, quatuor mansos alodii cum vinea, pratis, et sylvis ad se pertinentibus in pago Vermandensi in villa quae dicitur Ruminiacus pro remedio animae Frednidis, meae quondam carissimaea [coniugis], tradidi dono sanctae Mariae sanctaeque Hunegundis ad monasterium Humolariense, ubi corpus eius sepultum est, consentientibus meis filiis Wallonneb et Gilberto necnon filiabus Bertha et Fridnide, eo videlicet tenore ut exinde et in posterum iure praefato duos mansos habeant potestatem donandi, vendendi et absque ulla contradictione quidquid exinde placuerit faciendi. Quod si quis contra hanc traditionem insurgere voluerit, omnipotentis Dei iram incurrat ac regis fisco auri decem libras persolvat, et quod repetit nequaquam obtineat et ut praesens traditio firma et inviolabilis omni tempore permaneat, qui hanc fieri iussi manu propria subter firmavi. Actum est anno secundo regnante Lothario rege gloriosissimo, IV nonas iulii. Signum Wallonis qui hoc fieri iussit et filiorum eius Wallonis et Gilberti et filiarum eius Berthae et Frednidis.


8

Queen Gerberge

Queen Gerberge at the request of Berner, abbot of Homblières, grants the monastery of Homblières three manses from the domain of Notre-Dame of Soissons, a monastery for women belonging to the queen. The manses are situated in the villa of Remigny in the benefice of Count Albert [I of Vermandois]. Homblières will hold these manses as a precarium and will pay 12 d. at the altar of Notre-Dame of Soissons on the feast of the Purification of the Virgin [2 February].


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B: Lat. 13911, fol. 20r-v, with the title “De terra apud Ruminiacum sita beneficio Gerbergae reginae et Adalberti comitis huic ecclesiae concessa ad censum XII denariorum.” C.: H 588, p. 22, with the same title as B. D: Coll. Picardie, vol. 255, fol. 33, copy of a.

Pub.: (a) Mabillon, De re diplomatica, p. 571, “ex chartario Hummoloriensi a D. d’Herouval communicato.”1 (b) RHF, 9.665, copy of a.

Ind.: Bréquigny, 1:429. Matton, p. 93.

In nomine sanctaea et individuae Trinitatis. Gerberga gratia Dei Francorum regina. Si ecclesiasticis negotiis iuste disponendis operam damus, non regiae dignitati perperam inferimus. Noverit igitur cunctorum fidelium tam praesentium quam futurorum solertiab quodc accessit ad nos Humolariensis cellae abbas Bernerus, obsecrans ut quamdam terram de potestate Sanctae Mariae Suessionensis monasterii puellarum, quod in nostra manu tenemus de beneficio comitis Adalberti, in pago Vermandensi sitam in villa quae dicitur Ruminiacus, liceret sibi ab eodem comite qualitercumque possetd impetrare ut de beneficioe omnino ablata pro eadem terraf quemdam respectum ad altare Sanctae Mariae praedicti monasterii persolveret ut eam monachi cellae Humolariensis iure precario in perpetuum possiderent. Quod nos cum consilio fidelium nostrorum, videlicet episcoporumg Widonis et Roriconis et aliorum qui tunch praesentes essei potuerunt, non inhumana indicantes,j quod petebat ut fieret annuimus et hanc cartamk fieri praecipimus. Dicuntur autem de illa terra, scilicet tria mansa,l respectusm pro eadem in purificatione sanctae Mariae persolvendus XII denarii. Quam terram, si quid praefati monachi meliorare, plantando scilicet vel aedificando, potuerint. Et pro hoc ipso quisquam,n quod futurum non credimus neque optamus, contra hanc nostram authoritatemo insurgere tentaverit,p omnipotentis Dei iram incurrat et reatus sui poena coactus regio fisco Lq argenti libras persolvat, et quod conatur inane fiat. Actum Suessionisr infra portas monasterii puellarum, sub die VII kalendas maii,s anno incarnationis Dominicae DCCCCLIX, indictione II, regnante Lothario rege.t Signum Aimonisu advocati. Signumv Evrardi praepositi. Signum Helvidis praepositae. Signum Milesindisw decanae. Signum Fulconix vassalli.y Signum Gauzberti vassalli.y Evrardus subgregarius et cancellarius scripsit et subscripsit.



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9

Albert [I, count of Vermandois and] abbot of Saint-Quentin

Albert [I, count of Vermandois and] abbot of Saint-Quentin, at the request of his faithful Berner, abbot of Notre-Dame of Homblières, confirms an exchange of lands between the two monasteries. The abbey of Saint-Quentin gives twelve bunnaria2 of arable in the villa of Latois3 in return for the same amount at a place called Vallis Sanctae Mariae. Both lands are held in benefice by Dudo,4 who consents to the exchange.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 26r-v, with the title “De commutatione terrarum Sanctae Mariae Sanctique Quintini ab Alberto comite facta.” C: H 588, pp. 26-27, with the same title as B.

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, regestum, p. 31, “ex chartul. monaster. Humolar.” (b) Colliette, 1:567, copy of a. (c) Lot, pp. 407-408, copy of B. (d) Misonne, pp. 161-163, no. 22, based on BCa.

Ind.: Bréquigny, 1:430. Matton, p. 94. Lemaire, “Essai sur l’histoire de la ville de Saint-Quentin,” 8:326, n.1.

Actio mundialisa exigit ut res quae legaliter determinantur taliter chartulis inserantur qualiter per eas posterorum memoriae repraesententur. Unde omnibus notum fieri volumus nostris successoribus,b Albertus, abbas monasterii Sancti Quintini martyris, quod fidelis noster nominec Bernerus, abbas monasterii Sanctae Mariae Humolariensis,d expetiit ad nos ute quasdam res suae abbatiae opportunef confirmaremus. Cuius petitionem ratam ac fidelem comperimus, proutg petebat fieri concessimus. Dedimus itaque ei ad praefatam ecclesiam dictae genitricis Mariae, cum consensu et voluntate fratrumh incliti martyris Christi Quintinii monasterii, de rebus abbatiae praefati martyris in pago Vermandensi in villa quae dicitur Latois, quae est de beneficio Dudonis cuiusque precatuj in hoc egimus, de terra arabilik bunnarial XII. Et e contra in recompensationem huius rei dedit nobis memoratus abbas Bernerus de rebus suae abbatiaen ad partem ecclesiae praelibati martyris Quintini in praefato pago et in ipso beneficio in loco qui dicitur Vallis Sanctae Mariae de terra arabili bunnarial
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XII. Hanc autem commutationem stabiliter confirmantes et confirmando stabilientes, propriis manibus firmavimus, clericorumque et laicorum manibus ad corroborandam tradidimus ut stabilis perpetualiter permaneat scriptorumo manibus legaliter roborata.p Actum in vico Sancti Quintini II novembris, quinto annoq regnir Lotharii gloriosissimi regis. Signums Alberti abbatis qui hanc chartam fieri iussit.t Signum Gerbergaeu uxoris eius. Signum Herberti filii eorum.v Signum Oddonis filii eorum. Signum Crispini custodis. Signum Achardi decani.w Signum Anselmi diaconi. Signum Hugonis diaconi. Signum Stagnoardix presbyteri. Signum Theutonisy presbyteri. Signum Evrardi presbyteri. Signum Albrici didascali. Signum Rodulfiz diaconi. Signum Deodati diaconi. Signum Robertiaa subdiaconi. Signum Gotrannibb vassalli. Signum Anselmi vassalli. Signum Otradi vassalli. Scripsit has chartulae grammas Benedictus iussu Hamfredicc cancellarii.


10

The dean Achard, the sacristan Crispin

The dean Achard, the sacristan Crispin, and the canons of Saint-Quentin grant the request of Bernald, provost of Homblières acting in the name of Abbot Berner, for three manses in the villa of Saviniacus. Homblières shall be free of all customs except these:
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the tenants of the manses must attend the general court of the lord of the villa thrice annually, they owe a corvée of plowing twice annually, and they must give a ram annually for pasture privileges.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 25r-v, with the title “De tribus mansis apud Saviniacum villam sitis.” C: H 588, pp. 25-26, with the title “De tribus mansis apud Saviniacum sitis.”

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, regestum, p. 31, “ex chartul. monaster. Humolar.,” incomplete. (b) Colliette, 1:568, copy of a.

Ind.: Bréquigny, 1:431. Matton, p. 94.

Ecclesiasticae consuetudinis est rerum charitatis iure concessarum quibuscumque sanctae religionis fratribus aeternae retributionis spe insistentibusa stabile testamentum fierib decentera et consimili sorte dicatis scilicet clericali quaec in posteritatem durare queat.d Igitur tam praesentium noverite quam futurorum solertia quod accessit ad nostram praesentiam, Achardi videlicet decani et Crispini custodis caeterorumque Sancti Quintini canonicorum, frater Bernaldusf coenobitarum Sanctae Humolariensis ecclesiae praepositus, iussu venerabilis abbatis Berneri, deprecans ut tres mansos nostrae communis possessionis supradictae concederemus ecclesiae in succedentia tempora possidendos. Cuius petitioni favere dignum ducentes concessimus unanimes. Dedimus itaque praefatae ecclesiae supradictos mansos in Saviniaco villa sitos, ea scilicet ratione ut ac sig perpetuus haeresh firmiter possideat ac inviolabiliter teneat. Et ut firmius eosdem mansos terrae supradicta ecclesia teneat, statuerunt et sub authoritate anathematis firmaverunt praedicti ecclesiae Sancti Quintini canonici ne aliqua saecularis persona districtum vel aliquam consuetudinem ulterius in eadem terra sibi vendicare praesumeret exceptis his consuetudinibus: quod eamdem terram tenentes ter in anno generalei placitum domini praefatae villae convenirent, et ei bis in anno carrucam corveiam faceret, et mansuarius pro pastu pecudum arietem annuatim daret; quodj si etiam placitum in crastinum protelatumk responsum aliquod ulteriusl non daret. Ne autem nomina firmatorum ab iis ignorentur quorum praesentiae quandoque si necessarium fuerit haec chartula est repraesentanda divise annotavimus authores ordinis et aetatis futurorum memoriam praesentium roboretur industria.j Signum Alberti comitis et abbatis.1 Signumm Crispini custodis. Signum Evrardi presbyteri. Signum Rudolphin diaconi. Signum Hertrardi.o Signum Gerbergaep coniugis eius. Signum Thognoardi praepositi.q Signum Theutonisr presbyteri. Signum Beroldi diaconi.p Signum Milonis
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diaconi. Signum Heriberti filii eorum. Signum Anselmi [chrismon] diaconi. Signum Wifredi presbyteri.s Signum Berneri abbatis. Signum Berlandit praepositi. [Signum] Wichardi decani. Signum Albrici diaconi. Signum Rotaldi diaconi. Signum Rodulphiu cantoris. Hamfredusv cancellarius Sancti Quintini scripsit et subscripsit. Actum in monasterio Sancti Quintini, IV kalendas martii, anno ab incarnatione Domini DCCCCLX.


11

King Lothair

King Lothair, at the request of Arnold, count [of Flanders], confirms the donation that Arnold made to the monastery of Homblières of the domain of Quessy2 in Vermandois. This villa contains eight manses, five of which are on one side of the stream Lehone and three on the other, with a mill, fields, pasture, and water rights.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 16, with the title “Lotharii regis de villa quae dicitur Caziacus quam Arnulfus comes dedit Sanctae Mariae” and facsimile of the monogram. C: H 588 p. 19, with same title and facsimile as B. D: Wyard, pp. 24-25, copy of a.

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, regestum, p. 30, “ex chartul. monaster. Humolar.” (b) RHF, 9: 627-628, no. 16, copy of a. (c) Colliette, 1:567, copy of a. (d) Melleville, 1: 415. (e) Halphen and Lot, pp. 38-39, no. 18, based on BCa.

Ind.: Bréquigny, 1:436. Böhmer, no. 2040. Wauters, 1:370. Matton, p. 93.

In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis. Lotharius gratia Dei Francoruma rex. Si fidelium nostrorum bonam voluntatem quam habent
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maxime circa ecclesiasticamb utilitatem regio favore prosequimur, divinaec procul dubio nosd voluntati pareree et nostrae salutif consulere certissimeg credimus. Quapropter notum sit universis sanctae matris ecclesiae filiis tam praesentibus quam futuris quod misit ad nos venerabilis comes Arnulfus, humiliter efflagitans ut traditionem de mansionili qui dicitur Caziacus,h sito in pago Vermandensi, quam sanctae Mariae sanctaeque Hunegundi et monasterio Humolariensi fecerat, nostra authoritate corroboraremus. Quod et facere decrevimus. Quae villa continetur mansis octo: quinque ex una parte rivuli qui dicitur Lehonai et tribus ex altera cum molendino, cum pratis, pascuis aquarumque decursibus. Maneat ergo praedicta traditio, nostroj munita privilegio, ab omni querelarum strepitu inlaesak et, regali munimine stabiliter fixa, inconvulsa persistat et intacta. Quisquis vero contra hanc nostrae praeceptionis tutelam insurgere tentaverit, quod minime futurum credimus, primo ab omnipotente Deo ecclesiasticae iniuriae experiatur vindictam et nostro cunctorumque fidelium examine convictus regio fisco LX auri libras persolvat et quod repetat nequaquam obtineat. Signuml domini [monogramma]m gloriosissimi Lotharii regis Francorum.l Datum VIII idus ianuarii, regnante domino Lothario anno IX, indictione IIII. Actum Lauduni. Feliciter.n


12

Herbert, count [of Château-Thierry]

Herbert, count [of Château-Thierry]1 and abbot [of Saint-Médard of Soissons], permits Berner, abbot of Homblières, to purchase two manses in the domain of Saint-Médard in the villa of Remigny. That villa is in the benefice of Herbert’s brother Albert [I], count [of Vermandois], and is held by the latter’s faithful Madalger who permits the sale. The
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monks of Homblières may have this land forever, provided that they pay 12 d. each year at the altar of Saint-Médard on the feast of Saint Sebastian [8 June]; otherwise the monks of Saint-Médard will reclaim the land. King Lothair is a witness to the act.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 18r-v, with the title “De duobus mansis qui sunt apud villam quae dicitur Ruminiacus sub censu XII denariorum persolvendorum in festivitate Sancti Sebastiani.” C: H 588, pp. 20-21, with the same title as B. D: Wyard, pp. 25-26, copy of a. E: Coll. Picardie, vol. 255, fol. 34, “extract from the antiquities of the abbey of Saint-Médard, vol. 2, p. 43,” copy of a.

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, regestum, p. 33, “chartae Humolariens.” (b) Colliette, 1:571, incomplete copy of a. (c) Arbois de Jubainville, 1:453, no. 21, copy of a. (d) Lot, pp. 397-398, copy of B. (e) Halphen and Lot, pp. 39-41, no. 19, based on BCa.

Ind.: Bréquigny, 1:436. Matton, p. 93.

In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis. Heribertus Dei misericordia comes et abbas. Notum sit universis sanctae matris ecclesiae filiis tam praesentibus quam futuris quod accessit ad nos Bernerus, abbas cellae Humolariensis, postulans ut duos mansos de terra ex potestate sancti Medardi, quae [est]a in pago Vermandensi, in villa quae dicitur Ruminiacus, ex beneficio fratris nostri comitis Adalberti, liceretb sibi ab eodem fratre nostro et ab eius fideli Madalgerio qui eam tenebat, pecunia, scilicet de thesauro sanctae Mariae, redimere ad opus sanctae Mariae et sanctae Hunegundis in usibus monachorum cellae Humolariensis; ea scilicet ratione ut pro eadem terra unoquoque anno ad altare sancti Medardi XII denarios in festivitate sancti Sebastiani persolvant et praedictam terram iure quieto in perpetuum possideant. [. . .]c deinded recipiat ecclesia nostra res suas, nisie forte monachi Humolarienses a monachis sancti Medardi aut charitatis gratia aut maiori censu impetrare valuerint ut praedictam terram diutius possideant.d Nos vero, rem subtilius attendentes, etf hoc unde prius nihil habebamusf et eorum necessitati etg ecclesiae sancti Medardi utilitati consulere decrevimus ut, iuxta illud Apostoli, “Alter alterius onera portate,h2 ipsi haberent qualemcumque consolationem et altari sancti Medardi praedicti respectus deferrent honorem, idi quod petebat cum consilio fidelium nostrorum libenter fieri concessimus et praesentem chartamj facere iussimus. Unde si quis successorumk nostrorum, quod minime futurum credimus, huius conscriptionis authoritatem infringere tentaverit, iram omnipotentis Dei incurrat et fidelium iudicio convictus, Xl auri libras exsolvat et quod indem repetit nequaquam obtineat, sed praesens concessio stabilis, inconvulsan permaneat. Actum in coenobio sanctorum Medardi et Sebastiani, sub dieo VII kalendas aprilis, anno incarnationis Dominicae DCCCCLXIII,
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regni autem Lotharii regis [anno] X.p Signum Lotharii regis.q Signum Heriberti qui hoc scriptum fieri iussit. Signum Fulguinir decani. Signum Rodulfi.s Signum item Rodulfi.t Signum Evrardi. Signum Gausmauri.u Signum Leudonis. Signum Feroldi. Signum Hermeranni. Signum Erchemboldi. Signum Richoldi. Signum Achardi.v Signum Walonis. Signum Hugonis. Signum Rodulfi.w Signum Kainardi. Signum Bosonis.x Signum Teubodi.y Signum itemz Bosonis. Signum Rodulfi.aa Signum Roberti. Signum Evrardi. Amalcuinusbb cancellarius scripsit et subscripsit.


13

Heilbert

Heilbert,2 in the presence of Albert, count [of Vermandois], and the count’s son Herbert, gives to the monastery of Homblières one half of a manse from his own allod in the domain called Grimont next to the villa of Pisieux in the Laonnois.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 12, with the title “De dimidio manso in villa quae dicitur Puteolis in pago Laudunensi.” C: Lat. 13911, fol. 59, with the title “De dimidio manso quem [changed from quod] dedit nobis Heilbertus qui est situs in pago Laudunensi iuxta villam quae vocatur Puteolis.” D: H 588, pp. 15-16, with the same title and almost identical text as B. E: H 588, pp. 53-54, with the same title and almost identical text as C. F: Coll. Moreau, vol. 10, fols. 145-146, copy of D.

Pub.: (a) GC, 10:instr. 359, “ex tabulario Humolariensi,” same text as C, without the last four witnesses. (b) Misonne, pp. 163-164, no. 23, based on BCDE.

Ind.: Bréquigny, 1:444. Matton, p. 93.


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In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti. Notum sit universis sanctae matris ecclesiae filiis tam praesentibus quam futuris quod ego Heilbertus,a pro remedio animae meae, praesente Adalberto comite et Heriberto filio eius,b coram altari sanctae Mariae in monasterio Humolariensi multis adstantibus, legaliter tradidi dimidium mansum ex alodoc meae proprietatis sanctae Mariae sanctaequed Hunegundi in usibus fratrum eiusdem loci situm in quodam mansionilie qui dicitur Grimulbreiasf in pago Laudunensi iuxta villam quae vocaturg Puteolis, in qua villa sedes est eiusdem dimidii mansi, atque precante abbate et fratribus eiusdem loci hanc chartam fieri iussi et manu propriah firmavi. Quod si quis successorum meorum, quod minime credo, presentem traditionem aliquando pro nihilo ducere voluerit et terram ab ecclesia auferre, in primis iram Dei omnipotentisi incurrat, et regia maiestate convictus L libras argenti persolvat, etj sacram communionem nequaquam obtineat.j Haeck praesens traditio firma et inviolabilis per saecula maneat. Actum in monasterio Humolariensi anno incarnationis Dominicae DCCCCLXVIII,l regnante domino Lothario XIV,m indictione XI. Signum Heilbertin qui hanc chartamo fieri iussit et manu propriah firmavit. Signum Lantbertip filii eius.q Signum Adalberti comitis. Signum Heriberti filii eius. Signum Baidalonis.r Signum Arnulfi.s Item Arnulfi.t Signum Angelberti.u


14

Gerold

Gerold announces to all the magnates of the kingdom that he has sold to Abbot Berner and his monks a certain vineyard at Laon bounded on one side by [the abbey of] Saint-Vincent
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and not far from the church of Saint-Geniès and Saint-Otbeuf. Roricon, bishop [of Laon], approved the sale.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 19r-v, with the title “De vinea Sanctae Mariae sita Lauduni inter terras Sancti Vincentii et Sancti Hilarii.”2 C: H 588, pp. 21-22, with the same title as B. D: Coll. Moreau, vol. 11, fols. 25-26, copy of C. E: Coll. Picardie, vol. 233, fol. 95, copy of C.

Ind.: Matton, p. 93.

Recolenda priorum decrevita sententia patrum omnibusque sequentibus firmiter retinenda imitari mandavit ut quicumque aliquid de rebus suae proprietatis quoquomodo alicui tradendo dare placuerit, quo firmius tenere valeat, cautionis chartam traditor ei facere procuret quae etiam pluribus relecta testibus firmatorumque subnominatisb nominibus firma permanere valeat posteris temporibus. Quapropter ego Geroldus, distractor effectus, notum fore cupio omnibus huius regni proceribus quia tradidisse atque legaliter constat me vendidisse quamdam vineam vinaticam Bernero abbati sibique subditis monachis. Est autem vinea ipsa pertingens ad res ecclesiae sanctorum Genesii atque Otbodii,c sita in pago Laudunensi, haud procul ab ipsa ecclesia. Limitatur vero ex uno latere Sancti Vincentii, ex duabus frontibus ipsa vinea sibi limitem ponit. Qua de re facta coemtione rata sumpsi a praelibatis fratribus venerabilis patris Benedicti normae obtemperare serventibus,d huius pretii quantitatem argenti libras videlicet tres, ea scilicet ratione ut annuatim ecclesiasticum ius persolventes praenotatae ecclesiae tenendo possideant ac possidendo teneant, et quidquid rationabiliter inde agere elegerint, peragant. Ut autem haec venditionis charta per succedentium temporum curricula rata et irrefragabilis permanere queat, domino Roricone, episcopo venerabili, cuius iussu licentiaque hanc ipsam fieri feci, quo ipso primum corroboraret, suique deinde fideles clerici ac nobiles clerici corroborandam tradere studui.e Signum Geroldi qui hanc chartam fieri fecit et firmare praecepit. Signumf Witberti. Signum Balduini. Signum Ugonis praepositi. Signum Gisleberti. Signum Godefridi. Signum Anselmi. Signum Rotgeri archidiaconi. Signum Oddonis. Signum Warneri. Signum Immonis archidiaconi. Signum Raineri. Signum Rodulphi. Signum Erlebaldi. Signum Richulfi presbyteri. Signum Lantberti. Signum Albrici. Signum Gilberti. Signum Ingenulfi diaconi. Signum Anselmi. Signum Richardi. Signum Wiberti. Ego Oidelardus cancellarius scripsi et subscripsi.g Actum Lauduni,h IIII idus augusti, anno XVIIi regnante Lothario rege.



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15

Hugh [Capet], count and duke of the Franks (Suspect)

Hugh [Capet], count and duke of the Franks, confirms the gift by his faithful Ivo2 and his wife Geila to Homblières of ten manses from Ivo’s benefice in the villa of Cugny.3 Most of that land is covered with brush and useless growth, which the monks may clear for planting and building. In return, the monastery will pay an annual census of 12s. on the feast of Saint Remi [1 October].

B: Coll. Picardie, vol. 197, fol. 130, copy of the original charter in the archives of the chapter of Saint-Quentin, in a “layette of the abbey of Homblières, item no. 1. Detached pendant seal.” Another hand noted that the names of the witnesses were written in “a whiter ink and larger script.” C: Senlis, B.M., Coll. Afforty, vol. 13, p. 129, 18th-c. copy of the original. D: Coll. Picardie, vol. 233, fol. 106, copy of B. E: Lat. 13911, fol. 14, without title. F: H 588, pp. 17-18, without title.

Pub.: (a) Melleville, 1:191, copy of F, without the witnesses. (b) Lot, pp. 402-404, copy of E.

Ind.: Matton, p. 93. Newman, Catalogue des actes de Robert II, pp. 130-132, no. 109.

In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis. Ego Hugo Dei gratia comes et dux Francorum. Notum sit universis sanctae matris ecclesiae filiis tam praesentibus quam futuris quod monachi ex cella Humolariensi, quae in honore sanctae Mariae constructa sita est in pago Vermandensi, accesserunt ad Hivonem,a fidelem nostrum, et venerabilem coniugem eius Geilam, interpellantes eos super quadam terra ex beneficio eiusb quae in praedicto pago iacet in villa scilicet quae dicitur Cauviniacus ut illam sub censu constituto ad predictum monasterium
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daret, eo videlicet tenorec ut annis singulis constitutum censum in festivitate sancti Remigii solverent et ipsam terram iure quieto possiderent. Sunt autem ex eadem terra, ut ferunt, decem mansi sed ex maxima parte inutili silva miricisd et frutectis operta; census vero sunt solidi XII. Unde predicti monachi cum assensu fidelium nostrorum Hivonise patris et Hivonise filii uxorumquef eorum, nostram magnificentiam adeuntes, petierunt ut eis super hoc negotio kartamg facere iuberemush et manu propria firmaremus,i quatinus si quid eandemj terram proprio labore vel silvam extirpandok vel plantando vel aedificando in meliorarel potuerint, nemo audeat praesentem constitutionem canino dente rodere4 vel aliquam molestiam pro hoc ipso praedictis monachis incutere. Quorumm petitioni libenter consensumn prebui et presentem kartam fieri iussi et manu propria firmavi. Si quis vero successorumo nostrorum, quod minime futurum credimus, presentem constitutionem, caeca cupiditate promotus,p destruere temptaverit,q in primis omnipotentis Dei iram incurrat, deinde regio fisco LX auri libras persolvat et quod repetitr nequaquam optineat.s Actum in castro Silvanectensi,t anno incarnationis Dominicae DCCCCLXXXI,u Lothario regnante anno XXVII. Signum Hugonis gloriosiv ducis.w Signum Adelaidisx uxoris eius. Signum Roberti filii ipsius. Signum Ivonise vassalli.y Signum Geilez uxoris ipsius.aa Signum Ivonise filii ipsius. Signum Burgardibb vassalli.y Signum Gerelmicc vassalli.y Signum Gerelmi filii eius.


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COMMENT

Although Lot (p. 402) and Flach (3:232) accept this act as genuine, there is some question as to its authenticity. Grenier (Coll. Picardie, vol. 197, fol. 130v) describes the original as having a detached pendant seal. Pendant seals were not used in the tenth century, although a seal might have been added at a later date when the names of the witnesses (which Grenier remarked were in a different ink and script) were added. In that case the entire act need not have been a forgery. However, there are problems with the text itself. The expression “ut . . . kartam facere iuberemus et manu propria firmaremus” is unusual, although the expression “kartam fieri iussi et manu propria firmavi” found later in the act is acceptable. The word “constitutio” applied to a charter is not found in the acts of Hugh Capet, Louis IV, or Lothair. A charter of 1003 of King Robert II does contain that word, but the act is known only through a thirteenth-century vidimus. The phrase borrowed from Jerome (see n. 4) is also strange, although it might be easily explained if a monk reading Jerome simply wished to display his learning. Moreover, Homblières did have possessions at Cugny that are mentioned in papal bulls in 955 and 956 (acts nos. 5, 6). If the act is taken to be authentic, one must assume that the seal was added later, or that Grenier was mistaken in noting a seal, and also that the writer of the charter was awkward and the modern copies bad. If the entire act is taken to be a forgery of the twelfth century, why did the forger choose Duke Hugh instead of King Hugh? Did he have before him an act of Duke Hugh which is today lost? In sum, the act is at least suspect. See also comment to act no. 23.


16

Albert [I], count [of Vermandois] and abbot of Saint-Quentin

Albert [I], count [of Vermandois] and abbot of Saint-Quentin, approves an exchange of property between his faithful Eilbert [of Florennes] and Homblières. Eilbert receives a mansionilis called Courcelles in exchange for one called Rothliacus near the abbey.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 63r-v, with the title “De commutatione terrae Curcellensis praeterea quae dicitur Lothriacus.” C: H 588, pp. 55-56, with the same title as B D: Coll. Picardie, vol. 233, fol. 85, copy of C. E: Coll. Moreau, vol. 8, fols. 7-8, copy of C. F: Coll. Picardie, vol. 199, fol. 98, copy of C.

Pub.: (a) Melleville, 1:300-301, incomplete copy of C. (b) Longnon, “Nouvelles recherches,” p. 241, n. 1, incomplete copy of BC. (c) Misonne, pp. 166-167, no. 25, based on BC.

Ind.: Matton, p. 95.


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In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis. Ego Adalbertus comes et abbas Sancti Quintini. Si ecclesiasticae utilitatis causa inter duas casas Dei aliqua commutatio agitur, iustum videtur ut litteris roboretur. Quapropter sciant cuncti fideles tam futuri quam praesentes quod interpellavit nos dominus abbas Bernerus videlicet cellae Humolariensis et Eilbertus, noster fidelis, super quadam commutatione quam inter se fecerant de terra sanctae Mariae sanctaeque Hunegundis et de terra Sancti Quintini, quae talis est: Eilbertus accepit de terra Sanctae Mariae sanctae[que] Hunegundis mansionilem quemdam qui dicitur Curticella, situm super rivulum Rimacum, pro quo reddidit alium mansionilem de terra Sancti Quintini situm in vicinio cellae Humolariensis qui dicitur Rothliacus cum omnibus quae ad se pertinent, postulantes ut praedicta commutatio nostra authoritate roboraretur. Quorum petitionibus libenter annuentes, hanc chartam fieri iussimus et propria manu firmavimus, hoc legaliter statuentes ut praedictam commutationem nemo unquam deinceps pervertere audeat. Quod si quis praesumpserit, primo publicis legibus convictus XXXX libras argenti utrisque casis Dei persolvat et quod iniuste repetit nunquam obtineat. Sic praesens commutatio rata et incommutabilis inviolabilisque in perpetuum permaneat, amen. Signum abbatis comitis. Signum filii eius Heriberti. Signum Eilberti nobilis et prudentis viri qui hanc commutationem fecit. Signum Baildelonis. Signum Arnulfi. Item Arnulfi. Signum domini Berneri abbatis. Signum Albrici monachi. Signum Ursitionis monachi. Signum Ansberti monachi. Signum Raubertia monachi. Signum Huberti monachi. Signum Thetholdib monachi. Signum Roberti monachi.


17

Albert [I], count [of Vermandois] and abbot [of Saint-Quentin] and Berner

Monastery of Saint-Quentin

Albert [I], count [of Vermandois] and abbot [of Saint-Quentin], approves the exchange that Abbot Berner of Homblières made with three men of Saint-Quentin. Berner received three small fields lying at the exit of the villa of Homblières in exchange for twice as much land elsewhere. With the consent of the bishop [of Noyon], Homblières also acquired the
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 61 ]] 
tithes of those fields in exchange for one and one-half as much tithe to be paid from the church of Saint-Etienne [in the villa of Homblières].

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 23r-v, with the title “De commutatione trium campellorum qui sunt in exitu huius villae.” C: H 588, pp. 24-25, with the same title as B.

Ind.: Matton, p. 94.

In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis. Ego Adalbertus gratia Dei comes et abbas. Notum facio universis sanctae matris ecclesiae filiis tam praesentibus quam futuris quod accessit ad nos per fratres suos monachos Bernerus, abbas cellae Humolariensis, petens ut commutationem de tribus campellis, qui iacent in exitu villae eiusdem monasterii, quam fecerat cum hominibus Sancti Quintini, Alneo scilicet, Theobaldo atque Constantio, simplum accipiens et duplum reddens, nostra authoritate firmaremus. Quod nos libenter facere decrevimus. Commutationem decimae etiama ex eisdem campellis quam, cum assensu episcopi per manum Theudonis, decani sui, fecerant inter se praedictus abbas et Berangarius, noster canonicus et fratrum praepositus, dante abbate ex decima sancti Stephani ad altare sancti Martini in ruredio tantum et dimidium quod ab eo acceperat pro decima etiam unius parvi campelli ad altare sancti Martini in Haleio dignam redibitionem reddens, et hoc simili authoritate confirmo ut utraque pars quod sibi firmiter teneat atque sine ulla contradictione in perpetuum. Quod decretum si quis infringere tentaverit, omnipotentis Dei iram incurrat et legali sanctione convictus XXX argenti libras nostro scrinio inferat, et quod repetit nequaquam obtineat. Actum in monasterio Sancti Quintini, anno ab incarnatione Domini DCCCCLXXXII,b indictione X, regnante domino Lothario XXVIII. Signumc Adalberti comitis. Signum Heriberti filii eius. [chrismon] Signum Gauzberti custodis. Signum Berangarii praepositi. Signum Varemboldid canonici. Signum Lamberti castellani. Signum Goderanni vassalli. Signum Rodulfi vassalli.e Signum Valgisi vassalli.e Signum Monacharii vassalli.e Signum Ioannis vassalli.e Signum Baidalonisf vassalli.e Etg cetera signa. Haec praedictorum signa plurimorum quidem extat notitia.g Hamfridus cancellarius recognovit et subscripsit.



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18

Albert [I], count [of Vermandois] and abbot [of Saint-Quentin]

Monastery of Saint-Quentin

Albert [I], count [of Vermandois] and abbot [of Saint-Quentin], confirms an exchange in his presence: the monks of Homblières receive from Dudo2 one manse in the villa of Fresnoy-le-Grand that is in the benefice of Ralph,3 for which they exchange a manse in the villa of Remicourt.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 29, with the title “De commutatione unius mansi qui est in villa Rumulficurte.” C: H 588, p. 29, with the same title as B.

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, regestum, p. 32, “ex chartul. monaster. Humolar.” (b) Colliette, 1:572, copy of a.

Ind.: Bréquigny, 1:466. Matton, p. 94.

In Dei nomine. Ego Adalbertus, per Dei gratiam comes et abbas, nosse volo omnes fideles tam praesentes quam futuros quod monachi cellae Humolariensis adierunt nostram praesentiam petentes ut commutationem quam in nostra praesentia fecerunt cum Dudonea de uno manso qui iacet in villa Fransiniaco,b ex beneficio Rodulfi,c pro quo reddiderunt alium mansum in villa Rumulficurte, propria manu per chartam firmaremus. Quod gratanter annuimus et hanc chartam fieri iussimus, teneatque quisque quod sibi bene placueritd quod si quis infringere tentaverit nullatenus praevalebit.e Actum in monasterio Sancti Quintini, anno incarnationis Domini DCCCCLXXXII, indictione X, regnante domino Lothario XXVIII. Signumf Adalberti comitis. Signum Heriberti [chrismon] filii eius. Signum Gauzberti custodis. Signum Berengarii praepositi. Signum Warenboldig canonici. Signum Lambertih castellani. Signum Goderannii vassalli. Signum Rodulfij vassalli.k [Signum] Amachariil vassalli.k Signum Baidalonism vassalli.k Signum Budonis2 vassalli.k Sunt haec praedictorum nomina plurimorum quidem extat notitia.n



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19

Eilbert [of Florennes]

On the advice of Eilbert [of Florennes] and his wife Hersend, a certain vassal Haderic went to the abbot of Homblières and asked that the monastery admit his nephew who was still a little boy. Haderic gave the monastery an allod in the villa of Vinay that the boy received from his brothers and sisters in exchange for his share of their common possessions. At Hersend’s request, Herbert, count of Omois [Château-Thierry],2 confirms the transaction by this charter.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 17, with the title “De alodo Sanctae Mariae dato in comitatu Otmensi in villa quae dicitur Vedeniacus.” C: H 588, pp. 19-20, with the same title as B, except for “alodio.”

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, regestum, p. 34, “ex iisdem archivis,” without the witnesses. (b) Colliette, 1:565, copy of a. (c) Melleville, 2:417, copy of a. (d) Misonne, pp. 165-166, no. 24, based on BCa.

Ind.: Matton, p. 93.

In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti. Noverit solertia cunctorum fidelium quod anno incarnationis Dominicae DCCCCLXXXVIIIa accessit quidam vassallusb nomine Hadericusc cum consilio Eilberti et uxoris suae Herisnidisd ad abbatem monasterii Humolariensis, humiliter deprecans ut quidam puer, nepos eiusdem Haderici, in eodem monasterio susciperetur, tradens ad locum cum eodem puerulo quemdam alodiume in comitatu Otmensi in villa quae dicitur Vendeniacus;f quem alodiume ipse puer a fratribus et sororibus suisg legali donatione suscepit, data eis videliceth parte sua de omnibus aliis rebus quas communiter possidebant. Qui alodus suis finibus terminatur: de uno latere via publica, de alio latere terra de potestate eiusdem villae. Idcirco ego Heribertus, comes eiusdem loci, per deprecationem Herisnidisi hanc chartamj fieri iussi ut praedicta traditio firma et inviolabilis in perpetuum maneatk sub hac scriptionel subnixa, quamm si quis infringere tentaverit, in primis iram Dei omnipotentisn incurrat, deinde centum libras aurio persolvat. Signum Heriberti comitis.p Signum Ricardi. Signum Valerii. Signum Manases. Signum Teuderici.q Signum Hugonis. Signum Hadbrandeo.r Signum Landebert. Signum Petri. Signum Guntberti.s Signum Bernaeri. Signum Benelini. Signum Ansfred. Signum Tedulfi.t [chrismon] Berherus cancellarius firmavit [et] subscripsit. Data die XVII kalendas februarii.



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20

Albert [I], count [of Vermandois] and abbot of Saint-Quentin

Albert [I], count [of Vermandois] and abbot of Saint-Quentin, gave to the monastery of Notre-Dame of Homblières, during the abbacy of Alberic, two residences with their vineyards and appurtenances, one from the domain of the villa commonly called Nouvion-le-Vineux in the pagus of Laon, the other in the villa popularly called Mons (-en-Laonnois). This he did with the approval of his sons Herbert [III] and Odo,2 and his faithful clerics and laymen.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 27r-v, with the title “De rebus quas Albertus comes dedit Sanctae Mariae sitis in pago Laudunensi apud villas quae vulgo dicuntur Novihant et Montes.” C: H 588, pp. 27-28, with the same title as B. D: Coll. Moreau, vol. 13, fols. 123-124, copy of C. E: Coll. Picardie, vol. 233, fol. 107r-v, copy of C.

Ind.: Matton, p. 94.

Nulli fideli catholicae fidei dubium est sed omnes assensum praebent exhortari bonos benefacere perversosque iniqua agentes ad meliora sublevari simulque habitare iocunde in unum fraternali modo unumquemque tantum propter spem regni coelestis propossea solamen adhibere famulantibus Christo authoritateb sanctae et individuae matris ecclesiae; ab hac quoque societate ego Albertus gratia Dei abbas Sancti Quintini nolo me segregare, sed praesentium ac futurorum precibus orthodoxorum emolumentum supernae gloriae promereri. Quocirca scire volo legentes hoc atquec lecturos audientes, hoc atque audituros, gratia rei supradictae dedisse me faventibus filiis meis Heriberto atque Ottone velle me meorum fidelium clericorum videlicet
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et laicorum tempore Alberici abbatis fratribus Deo famulantibus in parvo locello Humolariae nuncupato in honore beatae Mariae virginis atque sub sua pietate Hunegundis sub norma beati Benedictid duo sedia cum vineis, puteo et omnibus respicientibus ad haec ex potestate villae quae vulgo nuncupatur Novihant sita in pago Laudunensi [et] in villa quae populari locutione Montes nuncupatur, tali modo ut hoc firmum et stabile permaneat et Deo favente et nemine contradicente nisi eo qui non titubaverit contemni a se iram supernae potentiae in qua incurrat si id peragere tentaverit. Signum Adalberti comitis manu ipsius factum. [chrismon] Signume Heriberti filii eius. Signum Hermengardis uxoris [eius]. Signum Odonis nepotis2 eius. Signum Gauzberti custodis. Signum Hugonis decani. Signum Waltelmi praepositi. Signum Berengarii canonici. Signum Albonis canonici. Signum Wandelmeri canonici. Signum Lamberti castellani. Signum Baidobonisf castellani. Signum Gerberti militis. Signum Budonis militis. Bertoldus cancellarius scripsit.


21

Herbert [III], count [of Vermandois] and abbot of Saint-Quentin

At the request of the knight Arpardius and his wife Fredeburg, Herbert [III], count [of Vermandois] and abbot of Saint-Quentin, has a charter written approving the gift to Notre-Dame of Homblières of half the mansionile called Senancourt which Arpardius received through inheritance. This gift is made in memory of Fredeburg’s deceased first husband, Robert, and their son Witbert. Count Albert [I] signed the charter by his own hand.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 31r-v, with the title “De dimidio mansionili apud Saisinulficurtem sito.” C: H 588, pp. 30-31, with the same title as B. D: Coll. Moreau, vol. 13, fols. 100-101, copy of C. E: Coll. Picardie, vol. 217, fol. 30, copy of C.

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, regestum, pp. 33-34, “ex archivis eorundem.” (b) Colliette, 1: 580, copy of a.

Ind.: Bréquigny, 1:478. Matton, p. 94.


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In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis, Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti. Ego Heribertus gratia Dei testis Christi Quintini monasterii abbas et comes dictus. Manifestum essea volumus tam praesentibus quam futuris fidelibus viscera misericordiae Dei expectantibus quod, causa orationis et visitationis ad monasterium sanctae Mariae et almae virginis Hunegundis, mihi profecto adfuitb quidam miles nomine Arpardiusc cum uxore sua Frediburgid palam nostrae voluntati faciens se velle dare in donatione ad praedictam ecclesiam dictaee cellae Humolariensis ex sua haereditate dimidium quoddam mansionilef quod diciturg Saisinulficurtish cum terris cultis et incultis ac sylvulis eti omnibus aliis rebus mediisj pro primik nominatae coniugis mariti iam defuncti, vocabulo Roberti, et filii ipsius Witberti similiter defuncti culpis, ac pro suis necnel uxoris ac pro omnibus stirpis decessae aut humanam vitam decessurae, et sibil ut a Christo per merita sanctae suae genitricis et iam dictae Hunegundis virginis deleantur, in memoriaquem iustorum habeantur. Cuius vota libenter excepimus, et ab eo deprecati et a sua coniuge, scripto auribus futurorum fidelium mandavimus, necnon nostra authoritate corroboravimus, ut nemo infidelium iniquitatisn rabie delusus manus audeat exerereo in hac donatione, quod si quis ausus fuerit hanc nostram manumissionem violare, in primisp iram Dei omnipotentis se sentiat incidisseq atque multis modisr illustrium virorum confossums verbere centum libras auri nostro scriniolo cogatur persolvere ac quod caepitt nequaquam liceat obtinere. Signum Adalberti comitis manu ipsius factum. Signumu Heriberti filii eius. Signumu Ermengardisv uxoris eius. Signumu Odonis nepotis2 eius.w Adalberti scilicet.x2 [chrismon] Signumu Gauzbertiy custodis. Signumu Hugonis decani. Signumu Waltelmiz praepositi. Signumu Berengarii canonici. Signum Wandelmeri canonici. Signum Albonisaa canonici. Signum Lambertibb castellani. Signumu Bardelonis subcastellani. Signum Gaufridicc militis. Signum Gerardi militis. Signum Dudonis militis. Bertoldusdd cancellarius scripsit.



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22

Abbot Richard

Monastery of Saint-Amand

Abbot Richard and the monks of Saint-Amand allow the monks of Homblières to hold seven manses of land at Hauteville for as long as the latter wish, in return for 5 s. worth of denarii each year at the feast of Saint Remi [1 October].1

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 39, with the title “De septem mansis qui sunt apud villam quae dicitur Altavilla in pago Laudunensi sub censu quinque solidorum persolvendorum in festo sancti Remigii.” C: H 588, p. 37, with the same title as B. D: Coll. Picardie, vol. 233, fol. 138, copy of C. E: Coll. Moreau, vol. 19, fols. 129-130, copy of C.

Pub.: Melleville, 1:64, copy of C without the witnesses. (b) Duvivier, 1:25-26, copy of BD.

Ind.: Matton, p. 94. Wauters, 11.1:50.

Prudens consuetudo praecedentium patrum schedulis propriis decrevit tradere quidquid necessarium videretur auribus posterorum mandare. Unde nos quoque Richardus videlicet gratia Dei abbas cum caeteris fratribus Helnonnensibus,a vestigia priorum imitantes, notificare volumus omnibus posteritatem nostram subsequentibus quod quamdam Beati Amandi terram, in pago Laudunensi sitam in loco qui dicitur Altavilla, communi consensu delegavimus habere fratribus Humolariensis coenobii usu fructuario et gratia emeliorandi, eo scilicet tenore ut singulis annis quandiu ipsam tenere voluerint, quinque solidos denariorum pro septem mansis quibus numerantur pro respectu persolvant in festivitate sancti Remigii. Si vero exinde negligentes reperti iustificare noluerint, eo solo deinceps frustrentur publica lege convicti sicque restituatur proprio haeredi. Ut haec traditio firma remaneret et inviolabilis hanc manu scriptionem communiter decrevimus fieri ac nominibus fratrum utriusque loci caeterorumque fidelium firmiter insigniri. Actum Helnonae monasterio, die mensis iunii XX, anno vero Domini MXVIII, regnante Francorum rege Roberto, sub horum testificatione quos praesens nota describit. Signum domini abbatis Richardi. Signum Balduini marchionis. Signum Raineri. Signum Geroldi. Signum Leudonis. Signum Hunoldi. Signum Elgeri.
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 68 ]] 
Signum Gerardi. Signum Herimanni. Signum Bernardi. Godescalci. Signum Roderid. Signum Winemari. Signum Iegardi. Signum Fulcuini.b


23

Otto, count [of Vermandois] and abbot [of Saint-Quentin]

Otto, count [of Vermandois] and abbot [of Saint-Quentin], responds to the complaint of Richard, abbot of Homblières, that Otto’s faithful Ivo2 had unjustly usurped the villa of Cugny, contrary to the customary laws which his ancestors had observed. Otto concedes that the poor men of this villa will be left in peace on the following terms: they should not pay more than 1 d., one loaf of bread, and one sextarium of oats for the ban, justice, corvées, plowing, and the right to hunt game in the woods. Anyone convicted of violating this charter shall pay thirty gold librae to the count.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 15, with the title “De Cauniaco villa et de consuetudinibus a comite Ottone constitutis.” C: H 588, p. 18, with the same title as B, except that “Cauniaco” is corrected by a later hand to “Cauviniaco.”

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, text, p. 112. (b) Colliette, 1:682, copy of a. (c) Fossier, Chartes de coutume, pp. 129-130, no. 1, copy of C.

Trans.: Charles, 2:114-115.

Ind.: Matton, p. 93.

In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis. Otto Dei misericordia comes dictus et abbas. Notum fieria volo universis sanctaeb matris ecclesiae filiis tam praesentibus quam futurisb quod accessit ad nostram praesentiam laudabilis Ricardus,c abbas cellae Humolariensis, cum monachis suis, postulans utd quamdam villam quae Cauviniacus dicitur Yvo,e fidelis noster homo,f contra consuetudinarias leges quas antecessores eius minime tenuerunt, iniuste invasit. Quam petitionem non abnuentes et saepius adclamantes pro salute animae meae et progenitorum meorum, ex beneficio nostro ei concessimus ut pauperes homines ex eadem villa quieti esse possent, eo tenore ut bannum, latronem,g corveias, carrucarias, sylvae haias ad capiendam venationem, ulterius non persolvant nisi unum denarium, unumh panem, unumh sextarium avenae. Et ut nostra commutatio inconvulsa permaneat hanc cartami fieri iussimus. Si quis vero hanc commutationem
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 69 ]] 
infringere tentaverit, quod minime credimus, in primis iram Dei omnipotentis, sanctae Mariae matris Domini,j sanctae Hunegundis sanctorumque omnium incurrat, et legali sanctione convictus, XXX auri libras nostro scrinio persolvatk et repetitio eius inanis fiat. [chrismon] Signum Ottonisl comitis. Signumm Ermengardis matris eius. Signum uxoris eius.n Signum Lantbertio castellani. Signum Rodulphip filii eius. Signum Godefridiq vassalli.r Signum Amulrici vassalli.s Signumt Wibertiu vassalli.v Signum Erchemboldi [vassalli]. Signum Yvonisw vassalli.x Item signum Yvonis homo.y Signum Rothardi decani. Signum Theoboldiz custodis. Signum Valtelmiaa praepositi.3 Actum in monasterio almi martyris Christi Quintini, die festivitatis eius.

COMMENT

A number of expressions here are unusual in a charter of this period. Sextarium is not found in another act of Homblières before 1146, although it had become common in
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 70 ]] 
early-twelfth-century charters. The only eleventh-century act close to this region to use the term is from Saint-Martin-des-Champs of Paris in 1094 (Depoin, 1:84, no. 50, from a copy of 1118). An earlier reference in an act of King Henry I of 20 May 1043 is retouched or suspect (RHF, 11:577, and Tardif, p. 167, no. 268; indicated as authentic by Soehnée, pp. 64-65, no. 65). Haia is unusual but appears in an act of Robert I, duke of Burgundy, for 2 February 1053 (Poupardin, Recueil des chartes, 1:95-96, no. 59); see also Charles Higounet, “Les grandes haies forestières de l’Europe médiévale,” p. 215. Consuetudines leges and carrucarias are not found in other acts for Vermandois, and Yvo fidelis noster homo seems redundant. To these peculiarities must be added the problems of identifying Ivo and of dating the act (see nn. 1-2). Finally, the connection between this act and the suspect act no. 15 suggests a possible forgery here.


24

Waleran

Waleran, in his first year as abbot of Homblières, asked Count Otto [of Vermandois] to confirm an agreement that he had made with three men of Lanchy who held land in that villa from the monastery. The men will pay what is due in rent and the “customs,” that is: one-quarter of the harvest as terragium; 5 s. 3 d. in mid-March; 2 s. 4 d. from the hospites at will; and fourteen cocks thrice annually. After the death of their heirs, the monastery’s agent in Lanchy will return the land to the abbey’s reserve or assign it to whomever he wishes for a census payment.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 22r-v, with the title “De villa Lantiaco et consuetudinibus eius.” C: H 588, pp. 23-24, with the same title as B. D: Wyard, pp. 28-29, copy of a.

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, regestum, p. 35, “e chartulario Humolariensi” (incomplete). (b) Colliette, 1:682, copy of a.

Ind.: Bréquigny, 1:566. Matton, p. 94.

In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis. Ego Ottoa Dei annuente clementia comes honori et dignitati a Deo concessae ex aliquantulo factis congruis bene nos respondere credimus. Si ecclesiastica negotia fideliter tractantes iustis petitionibus assensum non negamus quatenus quo salvetur remedium animae praevideamus.b Igitur notum sit universis praesentibus et futuris sanctaec matris ecclesiae gremio filiis educatis,d quod primo ordinationis suae anno Walerannus abbas cellae Humolariensis ad nostram praesentiam accessit petens quamdam conventionem a se factam cum hominibus tribuse Lantiacif nostrae potestatis munimine firmari: deg quadam terra in villa eadem iacente quam ipsi illis reddiderunth haeredibus primis, videlicet Roberto et nepoti eiusi Roberto et Rogero, et post unumquemque illorum duobus vicissim succedentibus,g ut persolvant annis singulis redditum
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 71 ]] 
terrae cum consuetudinibus suis, id est quartam garbam terragii et quinque solidos et tresj denarios in medio martio et II solidos et IV denarios de hospitibus absquek ulla omnino occasione.k Abbatem aut quempiam vice sui miseritl cum XII hominibus ter in anno pascant, XIV gallinati aut sine dubio solvantm ac insuper annonam cum diligenter tributan purgata fuerint ad locum indominicatum absqueo mora deducant. Tertiap autem haeredum vice peracta, procurator loci aut in dominicatu restituat aut si cuilibet pro censu dare voluerit, nullus ex haereditario reclamando impediat. Unde ut talis conventio serveturq in posterum, hanc chartam fieri adiudicavimus roboratam propter nostrae authoritatis signum.p [monogramma]r Signum Ottoniss comitis. [chrismon] Waleranit abbatis signum. [monogramma]u Signum Varriniv decani.w Signumx Bertoldiy monachi. Signum Rogeri monachi. Signum Lantberti monachi.z Signum Herberti laici.aa Signum Godefridibb militis. Signum Amolricicc militis. Signum Rodulphi castellani.


25

Otto, count of Vermandois and abbot [of Saint-Quentin]

Otto, count of Vermandois and abbot [of Saint-Quentin], confirms to Homblières the districtiones of the outer woods and meadow belonging to the villa of Homblières, with
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 72 ]] 
the ban of the public road up to the perimeter of lands adjacent to the villa. Lambert, standardbearer and castellan of Saint-Quentin, and later monk at Homblières, had given these rights to the monastery by a legal transfer in the time of Abbot Alberic with the approval of Count Albert [I].2

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 24, with the title “De districtu et banno sylvae, prati et terrarum huic villae adiacentium.” C: H 588, p. 25, with the same title as B. D: Coll. Moreau, vol. 21, fols. 67-68, copy of C. E: Coll. Picardie, vol. 233, fol. 149, copy of C.

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, regestum, p. 35, “e chartulario Humolariensi.” (b) Colliette, 1: 564-565, copy of a.

Ind.: Bréquigny, 2:11. Matton, p. 94.

In nomine sanctaea et individuae Trinitatis, Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti. Ego Ottob Dei annuente clementia Viromandensiumc comes et abbas. Si vicem potestatis nostraed a Deo nobis temporaliter concessae utinam iuxta salutem animae, oportet indefesse iustis petitionibus assensum praebere, maxime cume de rebus ecclesiasticis est negotium ut intemeratae semper subsistant more antiquorum. Igitur tam praesentium quam futurorum agnoscat solertia quod venerit ad nos Walerannus,f abbas cellae Humolariensis, decusansg suorum antecessorumh negligentiam ac providens in futuro saeculi malitiam, petiit charta nostrae authoritatis ecclesiae confirmandum quoddam bonum, id est districtiones terrae exterioris sylvae ac prati villae Humolariensii pertinentium cum viatici publici banno usque ad confinium circuitionis terrarum huic villae adiacentium quod Lambertus,j Sancti Quintini signifer et castellanus, tempore Albrici abbatis per manum Adalberti comitis legali traditione pro animae redemptione Humolariensi ecclesiae tradidit habendum, quik postea deserens saeculuml sese pro Dei amore devovit monachum. Unde hanc signo nostrae authoritatism firmamusn chartam eiusdem Lambertio verbis testantibus approbatam, cuius authoritatemp qui infringeritq centum libras auri persolvatr scrinio comitis. Signum Ottoniss comitis. [chrismon] Signumt Ermengardisu comitissae. Signum Emmae comitissae. Signum Theobaldiv custodis. Signum Oddonisw militis. Signum Yvonis de Nigella. Signum Heszelinix militis. Signum Olberti militis. Signum Freudonis militis. Signum Waldrici militis. Signum Clementis militis. Signum Drogonis militis. Signum Gaufridiy militis. Signum Geroldi militis. Signum Rogeriz militis.



 [[ Print Edition Page No. 73 ]] 

26

Knight of the castle of La Fère

A notice states that Abbot Waleran approached Ultric, a knight of the castle of La Fère, about the protection tax (salvamentum) of Quessy, a villa of Homblières. Otto, count of Vermandois, formerly held that tax but now Ultric holds it from Anselm, castellan of La Fère. Desiring to lighten the weight of this exaction, Waleran made a gift to Ultric so that henceforth the tax would be paid at La Fère rather than at Laon, where the inhabitants of Quessy customarily paid it.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 42r, with the title, “De salvamine villae quae Cacciacus dicitur.” C: H 588, pp. 38-39, with the same title as B. D: Coll. Moreau, vol. 23, fol. 5, copy of C. E: Coll. Picardie, vol. 233, fol. 152r, copy of C.

Ind.: Matton, p. 94.

Ecclesiae Christia super quos inclinantur accidentium rerum moderamina tam praesentium quam futurorum noscat peritia quod abbas Walerannus Humolariensi ex cella ad Ultricum militem accessit de castro nuncupato Fera pro quodam salvamine quod isdem miles tenebat de Anselmo, supradicti castri principe, in Cacciaco,b Sanctae Mariae Humolaris villa, quod quidem bonum antea a comite Ottone Vermandensis possessum a commanentibus in iam dicta villa ferri consueverat ad castrum Lugdunum. Cuius consuetudinis pondus adlevare cupiens abbas praelibatus,c dato aliquo munere de rebus ecclesiae eidem militi Ultrico,d consentanea voluntate Anselmi, decrevit legitimo testimonio ut praedictum bonum tantum feratur ad Feram castrum sibi et suis haeredibus quamdiu illud haereditare voluerint.



 [[ Print Edition Page No. 74 ]] 

27

Otto, count [of Vermandois] and abbot of Saint-Quentin

Otto, count [of Vermandois] and abbot of Saint-Quentin, declares that his knight Amalric, having decided to become a monk at Homblières, gave the monastery a certain course of water with fishing rights on the river Somme at Frise and Saint-Christ2 where Homblières already had fishing rights. Since Amalric held that water as a fief from the count, he asked permission to transfer it. At first the count allowed only half of this gift to pass to Homblières, but when Abbot Waleran, in the court of King Henry [I] and in the presence of many notables, asked to have the gift confirmed by charter and further requested the other half of the water, the count consented, retaining only his lifetime use.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 28r-v, with the title “De aqua quam Otto comes et Amolricus, miles eius, dederunt Sanctae Mariae apud Frisiam Novam Villam.” C: H 588, pp. 28-29, with the same title as B, except for “Almoricus.” D: Coll. Picardie, vol. 23, fols. 154-155, copy of C (this reference by Newman is incorrect; I have not been able to locate the correct reference. TE). E: Coll. Moreau, vol. 23, fols. 154-155, copy of C. F: Wyard, pp. 29-30, copy of a.

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, text, p. 111, from a “charta.” (b) Colliette, 1:683, copy of a.

Trans.: Charles, 2:112-113.

Ind.: Matton, p. 94. De Cagny, Histoire, 1:533. Lemaire, “Essai sur l’histoire de la ville de Saint Quentin,” 8:332. Not in Soehnée.

In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis. Ego Otto, Dei gratia comes et abbas Sancti Quintini, notum fieri volo omnibus sanctae matris ecclesiae filiis quod Amolricus,a vir nobilis tamenb miles meus, tenebat aquam quamdam cum piscatione in flumine Somonaec iuxta villam Frisiam et Novam Villam, tenebat, inquam, aquam illam ex me et pro med loco beneficii sub nomine feodi.e Deus autem, qui omnes vult salvos fieri, eum praevenit eique velle immisit ut monachus fieret sub tutela sanctae Mariae semper virginisf in coenobio Humolariensi. Quoniamg vero eidem coenobio subiacebat alia aquah cum piscatione in Frisia ab antiquo, idem vir suam aquam tradere disposuit praefatae sanctae Mariae semper virginis,i sed quia id facere nequiebatj absque permissu nostro, nos expetiit humiliter ut ei faveremus in hoc negotio. Igitur quoniam mihi benigne servierat, concessimus ei quatenus mediam partem praefatae piscationis daret Deo, eo tenore ut altera pars remaneret in iure dominico. Monachusk effectus est et media pars aquae, nostro favore, Sanctae Mariae libera data est.k Denique abbas Walerannus hanc donationeml firmari fecit a mem in curia domini regis Henrici, ipso rege favente, cum optimatibus suis. Ibi quoque eodem abbate petente ac domino rege hortante,
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 75 ]] 
dedimus Sanctae Mariae alteram partem aquae quam retinebam, tamen ut dumn viveremus teneremus eam;n post obitum vero meum, eam haberet idem coenobium liberam, quietam et absque calumniao sicut alodium indominicatum.p Hancq firmationem regis ac episcoporum et principum Franciae.r Qui violaverit et in ipsa aqua ets a nobis Deot et Sanctae Mariae concessa aliquid usurpaverit, imprimis Dei iram incurrat ut anathema maranatha, deinde centum librisu auri regi solutisv a patria exul fiat. [chrismon] Signum domini regis. Signumw Ottonis comitis. Signum Widonisx [monogramma]y archiepiscopi Rhemensis. Signum Godofridiz magni.aa Signum Roberti magniaa Peronensis principis. Signum Walzelinibb Calniacensis.cc Signum Theodorici abbatis Sancti Remigii. Signum Waleranni abbatis Humolariensis coenobii.dd Signum Odonis pultrelli. Signum Balduini de Betuncurte,ee filiorum ipsiusff Amolrici.gg


28

Arnulf

Arnulf and his brother Theodoric give to the monastery of Notre-Dame of Homblières a place which they had in the villa of Seboncourt, in return for which Abbot Waleran gave them as much as he thought fit. The two brothers confirmed this charter in the presence of Count Otto on the feast of Saint Hunegund [25 August].


 [[ Print Edition Page No. 76 ]] 

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 40, with the title “De alodio apud Seguncurt sito quod dederunt Arnulfus et Theodericus fratres.” C: H 588, pp. 37-38, with the same title as B except for “Theodoricus.” D: Coll. Moreau, vol. 23, fols. 146-147, copy of C. E: Coll. Picardie, vol. 218-220, fol. 11, copy of C.

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, text, pp. 111-112. (b) Colliette, 1:683-684, copy of a. (c) Melleville, 2:317, copy of C, without the witnesses.

Trans.: Charles, 2:114.

Ind.: Bréquigny, 2:30. Matton, p. 94.

Ego, in Dei nomine, Arnulfusa et Theodoricus,b fraterc meus, cognoscentes nos scelerum mole praegravatos cupientesque de nostro aliquid offerre Deo, in pagum Vermandensemd venimus, monasterium Humolariense adivimus, dedimusque ad praedictum locum sanctae Mariae sanctaequee Hunegundi locum quem habebamus in villa quae dicitur Seguncurt.f Et ne mendacium proferamus in conspectu Domini, dominus Walerannus abbas dedit nobis de substantia loci quantum sibi placuit. Et ut stabile permaneat hoc donum, hoc scriptum facere iussimus et coram Ottone comite, die festivitatis Sanctae Hunegundis, VIII kalendas septembris,g comfirmavimus. Signum Arnulfih qui hoc scriptum eti Theodorici fieri iusserunt.j Signumk Ottonis comitis. Signum Walerannil abbatis. Signum Godefridi.m Signum Roberti.n Signum Nevelonis. Signum Gerardi abbatis Insulae. Signum Gerardi abbatis Sancti Proiecti.o Signum Rothardi decani Sancti Quintini. Signum Yvonisp custodis. Signum Rogeriq subdiaconi. Signum Harduini diaconi.r Actum in monasterio Humolariensi, anno Dominicae incarnationis MXXXXIII, indictione XI.s Hubertus subdiaconus et monachus scripsit et relegit vice et iussu Deodati cancellarii.


29

Otto, abbot of the monastery of Saint-Quentin [and count of Vermandois]

Otto, abbot of the monastery of Saint-Quentin [and count of Vermandois], at the request of his knight Geoffrey, gave to Notre-Dame of Homblières certain land in the villa of Courcelles which Geoffrey held from him in fief.


 [[ Print Edition Page No. 77 ]] 

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 80, with the title “De quadam terra apud Curcellas sita quam Otto comes dedit Sanctae Mariae.” C: H 588, p. 68, with the same title as B.

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, regestum, p. 35, “e chartulario Humolariensi.” (b) Colliette, 1: 684-685, copy of a.

Ind.: Bréquigny, 2:30. Matton, p. 95.

Si fidelium nostrorum petitionibus acquieverimus,a promptiores eosb in nostro servitio invenimus.c Quapropter ego Otto,d in Deie nomine abbas et rector monasterii Sancti Quintini, scire volo sanctae ecclesiae fideles futuros et praesentes ante nostram venisse praesentiam Godefridum,f nostrum militem, deprecantem ut terram quamdam,g quam de nobis tenebat in villa quae dicitur Curcellas, daremus sanctae Mariae sanctaeque Hunegundi.h Et ut hoc donum permaneat firmum, hanc chartam scribere iussi et laude fidelium meorumi confirmavi. Signum Bernardi abbatis Humolariensis et Ottonis abbatis.j Signum Rothardik decani. Signum Yvonisl custodis. Signum Rainulfim cantoris. Signum Modatin cancellarii. Signum Guidricio praepositi.p Signum Walteri presbyteri. Signum Evrardi presbyteri. Signum Harduini diaconi. Signum Hildieri diaconi. Signum Breverriciq subdiaconi. Signumr Godefridi.s Rainoldus monachust scripsit vice Deodatin cancellarii. Signum Ioannis filii eius. Signum Grarveri.u Signum Roberti. Signum Drogonis. Signum Gerardi abbatis Insulae. Signum Gerardi abbatis Sancti Proiecti. Signum Amalriciv abbatis Sancti Michaelis.2 Actum prope monasterium Sancti Quintini, anno incarnationis Dominicae MXXXXIII, indictione XII.w


30

Count Herbert [IV of Vermandois]

Count Herbert [IV of Vermandois] and his mother, Pavia, declare that his father, Otto, and his paternal grandmother Ermengarde, bought an allod in the villa of Bernot from Ernold of Bernot. Shortly thereafter Ermengarde gave half of that allod to [Abbot] Waleran
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 78 ]] 
and his monks; Otto did likewise but retained use of his share during his lifetime, after which it was to enter the monks’ domain forever. Count Herbert and his mother now confirm that gift by this charter.2 Among the witnesses is Herbert’s tutor, Walter.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 21, with the title “De alodio apud Bresnhot sito quod Otto comes materque eius Ermengardis dederunt Sanctae Mariae.” C: H 588, pp. 22-23, with the same title as B. D: Coll. Moreau, vol. 23, fols. 24-25, copy of C. E: Coll. Picardie, vol. 233, fol. 233, copy of C. F: Coll. Picardie, vol. 195, fol. 38r, copy of C.

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, regestum, pp. 38-39, “chartae eiusdem loci.” (b) Colliette, 1: 689-690, copy of a. (c) Melleville, 1:102-103, incomplete copy of C.

Ind.: Bréquigny, 2:156. Matton, pp. 93-94. Lemaire, “Essai sur l’histoire de la ville de Saint-Quentin,” 8:341-342.

In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis. Ego comes Heribertusa materque mea Pavia fidelibus nostris praesentibus absentibusque notum fieri volumus quod pater meus, Otto,b eius[que]c genitrix, avia mea, Ermengardis, in villa quae Brenost appellaturd quoddam sibi alodium collato emerunt pretio. Illud sibi distrahente quodam villae eiusdem homine Ernoldo, huius siquidem alodii medietateme non longo post tempore avia mea dono dedit beatae Mariaef Dei genetrici, pro remedio animae suae, praesente Waleranno omnique sibi commissa congregatione fratrum; meusg autem paterh similiter suami tantum sibi viventi retentam,j post discessumk vero eius in potestatem monachorum penitus transituraml eisque perpetualiter mansuram.m Illoquen iudicio Dei praevento nobisque substracto,o omni bonae voluntatis assensu approbamus votum quod vita plenus voluntarie vovit Deo, et illam conventionem quam de praefato praedio habuit, abbati et monachis eius stabilem firmamque ecclesiae essep iubemus. Et ne forte, quod absit, ab hac die et deinceps res concessa ecclesiae aliquam calamitatem possit pati, donationem eiusdem beneficii contra posterorum insidias munimus nostri authoritate scripti, quippe non sine multorum testimonio quorum diversa nomina testatur praesens adnotatio. Hi quippeq interfuerunt et laudaverunt: Oddo miles et Iotselinusr canonicus, fratris mei, Robertus Peronensis, Wazelinuss Calniacensis,t Walterus pedagogus meus. Ex parte autem abbatis: Rainardus maior Humolariensis, Rogerus maior Merulficurtis, Ioannes maior de Fraxiniaco et multi alii fideles nostri.



 [[ Print Edition Page No. 79 ]] 

31

Herbert [IV], count of Saint-Quentin

Herbert [IV], count of Saint-Quentin,2 confirms the rights of justice held by the monastery of Homblières. Three of his servi declared on oath that according to the law always observed in this abbey only the abbot and his monks, not the count or any of his agents, administer justice in the event of injury or death to any inhabitant. But if anyone acts as advocate in securing justice for the abbot or his monks,3 the count will receive one-third of the fine. This arrangement, instituted by the count’s ancestors,4 was confirmed in the count’s presence by the oath of the important men of his court and is reaffirmed by him in this charter.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 11, with the title “De iustitia huius ecclesiae non facienda ab aliquo nisi ab abbate eiusque monachis.” C: H 588, pp. 14-15, with the same title as B.

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, regestum, p. 37, “scheda eiusdem loci.” (b) Colliette, 1:689, copy of a.

Ind.: Bréquigny, 2:148. Matton, p. 93.

In nomine summae et individuae Trinitatis. Constitutiones antecessorum bonum est ut nos successores teneamus et corroboremus. Ego igitur Heribertus, comes Quintiniensis, constituta ab antecessoribus meis de rebus Humolariensis ecclesiae laudo et confirmo sicut patrem meum auditu didici laudasse et confirmasse trium virorum servorum suae dominationis sacramento Constantii videlicet marescalci,a Heriberti, Ingelberti, eab lege servata perpetualiterc in tota illa abbatia, ut si aliquis alicui iniuriam intulerit aut casu alius alium occiderit, nec ego nec aliquis meorum inde faciet iusticiam nisi abbas et sui monachi. Sed si aliquando ad faciendam iustitiam ab abbate vel
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 80 ]] 
a suis monachis advocatus fuero, tunc tertia pars illius iustitiae mihi accidet. Hoc itaque factum antecessoris mei tempore, iterum sacramento confirmatum est in praesentia mea optimatumque meorum testimonio totius nostrae curiae. Quae libertas ecclesiae ut firmius permaneat, ego Heribertus comes testes idoneos subnotarid praecepi in hac chartula per me confirmata. Signum Odonis decani. Signume Widonis thesaurarii. Signum Gombertif cancellarii. Signum Rambaldig cantoris. Signum Anselli castellani. Signum Walterih praepositi. Signumi domesticorum: Evrardi, Oilbaldi, Odonis. Signum famulorum Sanctae Mariae: Rainardi,j Rogeri, Ioannis, Bernardi qui probationem sacramento fecit. Actum hoc estk apud Sanctum Quintinum, tempore Henrici abbatis et Huberti decani, anno incarnationis Dominicae MLXXV, indictione XIII, epacta XII,l regnante rege Philippo anno XVI.


32

The monks of Homblières

The monks of Homblières obtain from the monastery of Saint-André of Le Cateau the advocacy of the mansionilis called Dinche situated on the Sambre River in the diocese of Cambrai. The abbey of Le Cateau wished to dispose of this right because most of the revenue from this property already had been given to Homblières and usurpation by a layman would be troublesome.2

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 30, with the title “De advocatione villae quae Dediniacus dicitur.” C: H 588, p. 29-30, with the same title as B.

Pub.: (a) Duvivier, 1:278-279, copy of B.

Ind.: Matton, p. 94. Wauters, 11.1:89.


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Nutu Dei cuncta regentis tam praesentium quam futurorum noscat peritia quod advocationem cuiusdam mansionilis quod Dediniacus dicitur, quodque supra fluvium Sambre infra episcopium Cameracensem situm est, ab abbate Castelli fratres Humolarienses taliter obtinuisse probamus. Quia enim idem abbas ipsam advocationem alibi locare volebat et fere totius praedii illius reditus praedictae ecclesiae scilicet Humolariensi a progenitoribus almificae virginis Hunegundis, quae illic corpore quiescit, obveniebat incommodum, nobis visum est, si quoquomodo laica persona eam usurparet nobisque molestiam inferret.a Unde, communi accepto consilio, centum solidos appendimus ea scilicet pactione ut si quis, quod absit, malefactor quasi ex antecessorum dimissione eam invaserit, ipse iam memoratus abbas liberam et sine contradictione faciat. Actum est apud Castellum in capitulo fratrum Sancti Andreae, praesente domino Gerardo episcopo necnon ipsius loci abbate Goffrido.b Signumc Eilfridid decani. Signum Adelardi praepositi. Signum Balduini praepositi. Signum Hugonis de Triscoldo.e Signum Hugonis maiorisf de Solemnis. Signumg Ioannis de Humuncais.h Signum Aleranii militis. De nostris fuerunt: Rogerius de Fraxiniaco, Vivianus de Merificurte, Ulmundus de Humbleriis. Item signa monachorum Humolariensium qui illic interfuerunt: Erleboldi scilicet decani, Heldradi editui, et Ioannis praepositi.


33

John, treasurer of Saint-Quentin

John, treasurer of Saint-Quentin, gives to Notre-Dame of Homblières the altar of Urvillers which he inherited. In return for this gift the monks will chant one mass for the dead each week as long as he lives, and after his death they will celebrate the anniversary of his death, as is the custom in this order for departed member monks. Also, on John’s birthday as long as he lives and thereafter yearly on the anniversary of his death, the monks shall have one dish extra at their meal, and thirteen poor monks will be brought in and fed in his name.


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B: Lat. 13911, fol. 34r-v, with the title “De altari Urtvillari consuetudinis ab hac ecclesia promissae Ioanni thesaurario et altari Sanctae Mariae.” C: H 588, pp. 32-33, with the same title as B except for “Urvillari.”

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, text, p. 131, “chartae Humolariensis” (incomplete). (b) Colliette, 2:106, copy of a.

Trans.: Charles, 2:151-152.

Ind.: Bréquigny, 2:265. Matton, p. 94.

In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis, Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti.a Ego Ioannes, thesaurarius Sancti Quintini,b sciens ecclesiaec multo melius in coelo thesaurandum,d notume ecclesiae volo praesentibus notum foree et posteris quod altare de Urvillari,f quod iure antecessorum mei iuris erat proprietatis,g Deo et sanctae Mariae Humolariensi ac beataeh Hunegundi tradiderimus ob meae salutem animaei perpetualiter habendum fidelibusquej inibi Deo famulantibus ita et in vita sicuti et post mortem possidendum. Fratres igitur ipsius loci tam praesentibus meis quam Dei et ipsorum proveniente gratia me mutuok charitatis affectu complectentes,j Deo et mihi, pro huius beneficii compensatione, promiserunt se donec viverem unam cantaturos missam pro defunctis singulis septimanis, et post meum ab hoc saeculo discessum, cum meae defunctionis dies instaret vell anniversaria recurreret,m mei obitus obsequium celebraturos, prout est ibi agere consuetum etn in caeteris locis eiusdem ordinis et religionisn statuerunt et illud quod quicumque de eodem conventu sacerdos esset, ipsa die vel infra octo dies in mei ipsius memoria, et speciali recordationeo pro cunctis in Christo fidelibus Deo missae sacrificium offeret.p Ordinavit etiam charitas eorum ut in die Trinitatis quae ante Domini adventum quibusdam in locis celebratur, die scilicet meae nativitatis quandiu viverem et in anniversaria mei transitus commemoratione, refectio eorum uno quolibetq generali ferculo communiter et indesinenterr ampliaretur et XIII pauperes fratres in nomine meo pascendi eadems die, quotannis, introducerentur. Sit quis ergo huius meae concessionis donum subtraxerit et nulla intercedente pecunia concessum aliquo modo violare praesumpserit, perversor et direptor pauperum et ecclesiae Christi, iram sanctae Trinitatis punitus incurrat et his et omnibus sanctis apud supernum iudicem quaestoribus cum Iuda pecuniae dilapidatore sententiam et iudicium maledictionis aeternae sustineat,t et ut hoc modernisu ac futuris temporibusu firmius habeatur, dignum duxi testibus subtitulatis confirmare et in eorum praesentia super altare positum Deo et praelibatis sanctis contradere,v contradendum delegare, delegandum in posterum confirmare. Signum
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eiusdem Ioannis. Signum Fulconis praepositi sui. Signumw Roberti levitae. Signumw Anselmi subdiaconi. Ego Guido cancellarius Sancti Quintini adfui et recognovi. Actum anno incarnati verbi MXCIIII, indictione II, epacta XII,x concurrente VI, regnante Philippo anno XXXVI. Dominoy Erleboldo abbate huius loci anno tertio.


34

The monks of Homblières against Fulbert

A notice describes the legal remedies pursued by the monks of Homblières against Fulbert, who usurped an allod [of Dinche]2 claiming its advocacy by hereditary right. The monks showed him the charter of his relative Amalric confirming their rights, but to no avail, so they appealed to Rainer, count of Hainaut, for justice. The count took the abbot, Bernard, to the court of Geoffrey, duke [of Lorraine], to state his case, and on their return the count assembled all the notables of the region and required them to testify on oath as to Fulbert’s right to that advocacy. When those consulted replied that Fulbert had not received it from the count, the count ordered him to make satisfaction to the abbot, which he did.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 41r-v, with the title “De advocatione non habenda apud Dediniacum.” C: H 588, p. 38, with the same title as B.

Pub.: (a) Duvivier, 2:14-16, no. 5, copy of B.

Ind.: Matton, p. 94. Guilhiermoz, p. 175, no. 13. Wauters, 11:57. Genicot, pp. 41-44.

Factum est autem post mortem Amolricia ut quidam de progenie eius, Fulbertus nomine, penesb eius assertionem, instigante inimico saecularem ob cupiditatem, invasit idem alodium, dicens loci eiusdem advocationem iure haereditario sibi deberi. Quod cum audissemus
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provocavimus eum ad satisfactionem ostendentes scriptum, ut diximus, in morte Amolrici confirmatum. Illo autem in sua malitia perseverante et nullatenus resipiscere volente, coacti adivimus comitem Rainerum Hasnonnensemc quatenus Dei pro amore Christique genitricis Mariae nobis iustitiam de nostrae terrae iniusto pervasore faceret. Comes qui tunc temporis ad curiam Godefridi ducis obsequendi gratia proficiscens, abbatem nostrum dominum Bernardum secum duxerat ut videlicet praefato duci rem omnem intimaret, hacd de re ut ipse idem comes commonitus et adiuratusd sub fidelitate quadam, ut debebat, causam sagaciter perscrutando, loco nostro restauraret sua. Quid plura [?] Reversus itaque praedictus comes a curte ducis cum abbate nostro, coadunavit omnes maiores natu et pares sui comitatus; obtestanse eos, praesente Fulberto, sub sacramento sibi facto, quatenus veritatem non celarent et falsitatem non dicerent: utrum praedictus Fulbertus illam advocationem haberet, habetf namque lex mundana ut nullusg alicuius portionis advocationem invadat absque permissu possidentis et ipsius patriae principis satrapae.3 Quo consulti, responderunt nullatenus scire se eum accepisse illam advocationem a comite. Tunch comes: Accede ergo, inquit, Fulberte et satisfac Deo inprimis et eius matri sanctae Mariae per manus abbatis sui, atque insuper hac iniusta pervasione in procinctu potestatis meae facta. Datoque vadimonio et satisfactione peracta, promisit coram omnibus qui aderant ex illo die se advocationem non quaesiturum super alodium illud.



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35

The knight Werric

Homblières

The knight Werric, surnamed Satrapa [Governor],2 and his only son Gerard, having considered the vanity and fragility of the world and wishing to put greater store in heaven than earth, gave all their possessions to Notre-Dame of Homblières.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 57r-v, with the title “De rebus quas tradidit Werricus huic ecclesiae pro se et Gerardo filio suo.” C: H 588, pp. 52-53, with the same title as B.

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, text, pp. 97-98 (extract).

Ind.: Bréquigny, 2:370. Matton, p. 94.

In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis, Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti. Ego Werricus,a miles cognomento Satrapa, misericordia Dei Christianus et quantum ad saeculi dignitatem nobilissimis ortus natalibusb considerans saeculum hoc lubricum, vanum et fragile diversis casuum fluctibus male agitari, continuis etiam malorum incrementis paulatim deteriorari, re vera autem multo melius in caelo decernens quam in terra thesaurizari, commodum duxi Christum potius malle sequi quam in hac valle plorationis male valle diutius peregrinari, dominico etiam roboratus exemplo, qui suis fidelibus in
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 86 ]] 
Evangelio pro terrenis centuplum in praesenti insuper vitam aeternam in futuro retributionem repromittit. Haec omnia caduca et vana funditusque ruitura pro certo sciens fore filio meo nomine Gerardo, quem habebam unicum, mecum assumpto, postposita saeculi pompa eiusque sarcina nec mora pervenimus ad beatissimae Dei genitricis Mariae famosum locum, cui antiquitasc Humolarias indidit vocabulum, illicque quidquid possidebamus indominicatum, in mancipiis, in ancillis, in praediis, in fundis, in aquis, in pratis, in nemoribus et sylvis et in omni nostra supellectili, facta solemni donatione tradidimus Deo nos metipsos mancipantes regulari vinculo. Quapropter notum fieri volumusd tam praesentibus quam futuris idcirco hoc nostrum testamentum velle nos mandare litteris, ne forte ab hodierna die et deinceps aliquis filius Belial pervertere conetur, quod absit, quod constat firmatum sub testibus idoneis. Quod si quis amodo praesumpserit, in primis iram incurrat omnipotentis Dei aeternaeque subiaceat maledictioni, centumque auri libras inferat scrinio regis, et non accipiat quod iniuste repetitur, quia pervertere voluit quae pro remedio animarum nostrarum anchora nostrae bonae voluntatis stabilivit. Actum est hoc in monasterio Humolariensi ante altare intemeratae virginis Mariae per saecula protectricis et nostrae Dominae. Domino Maszelino huius loci tunc temporis venerabili abbate anno sexagesimo, Philippo rege regnante, dominoque Baldrico Noviomensium episcopo octavo praesulatus sui anno pontificatus.


36

Abbot Aldo

Abbot Aldo and the monks of Notre-Dame of Homblières, with the approval of Simon, bishop of Noyon, cede to Saint-Fursy of Péronne and their dean Lambert2 a part of the allod of Hairiscurt,3 on condition that the church of Homblières receive four solidi annually on tithe day, that is, 9 October.


 [[ Print Edition Page No. 87 ]] 

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 82r-v, with the title “De annuo censu quatuor solidorum annuatim persolvendorum huic ecclesiae VII idus octobris.” C: H 588, p. 69, with the same title as B.

Ind.: Charles, 2:188. Matton, p. 95.

In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti. Ego Aldo, Dei gratia Sanctae Mariae Humolariensisa ecclesiae abbas, et omnis grex mihib commissus tam praesentibus quam futuris. Notificamus quod dominus Iambertus, ecclesiae Peronensisc decanus, cum quibusdam concanonicis ad nos accessit petentes sibi dari sub annuo censu eam partem alodii de Hairiscurt . . .d nostrae proprietatis extruserat hactenus.e Nos vero inde consulti utile reperimus eorum petitionibus annuere, consilio tamen et favore domini nostri Simonis Noviomensis episcopi. Id itaque laudantibus perventum est in praesentiam eiusdem pontificis, quo authore assensusf totius nostri conventus, praedicti alodii parsg concessa est ecclesiae Peronensi tali conditione ut idem Iambertus, ecclesiaeh Peronensis decanus, vel quicumque eius successor fuerit, ecclesiae nostrae quatuor solidos denariorum annuatimi die decimata persolvat, id estj VII idus octobris, qui terminus si praeterierit insolito necesse fuerit fratribus propensius mittere, misso statim est a praedicto decano sufficientia victus accipere. Hanc conventionem suffragantibus personis quae subscripserunt, dominus Simon episcopus authoritate confirmavit, ne quis temerare praesumat anathemate munivit. Signum domini Simonis episcopi. Signum Gerardi decani ecclesiae Sancti Quintini. Signum Goiffredik cantoris eiusdem ecclesiae. Signum Hugonis cancellarii Noviomensis. Signum Gerardi magistri. Signum Odonis canonici. Signum Iamberti decani Peronensis.l Signum Gerardi cancellarii Peronensis. Signum Raineri canonici. Signum Goiffredi magistri. Signum Radulfi canonici. Signum monachi: Aldonis abbatis. Signum Gerardi prioris. Signum Ioannis subprioris. Signum Iamberti secretarii. Signum Heriberti. Signum Gerberti camerarii. Signum fratres Arnulfi. Actum anno incarnationis Dominicae MCXXIV, indictione V, episcopante domino Simone anno secundo.



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37

Simon, bishop of Noyon and Tournai

Simon, bishop of Noyon and Tournai, frees the altars of Saint-Etienne, Landricourt, Fresnoy-le-Grand, and Seboncourt, which were long held from the bishop of Noyon, who selected their priests. Abbot Aldo and the monks of Homblières henceforth will choose the priests, although the latter will remain under the administrative control of the bishop. In return for this concession, the abbot will acquit episcopal and synodal rights to the bishop, according to the ancient custom, at the annual feast of Saint Remi [1 October].

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 33r-v, with the title “Concessio personatus altarium nostrorum a domino [changed to domno] Simone episcopo.” C: H 588, p. 32, with the same title as B.

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, regestum, p. 41, “e schedis eorumdem.” (b) Colliette, 2:259-260, copy of a.

Ind.: Bréquigny 2:524. Matton, p. 94.

In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti.a Simon, Dei gratiab Noviomensis ecclesiae atque Tornacensis episcopus, ecclesiae sanctae Mariaec Humolariensisd coenobii Addoni venerabili abbati et caeteris fratribus qui in hoc monasterio sub monastica professione degunt tam praesentibus quam successurise in perpetuum. Boni pastoris est oves sibi commissas diligere et sustentare, et maxime religiosis favere monasteriis. Sane res quae ecclesiis conferuntur oblationes sunt fidelium,
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 89 ]] 
pretiaf peccatorum, patrimonia pauperum; eas nimirum ecclesiis quibus concessae sunt ad usus fratrum firmare, fovere et augere paterna sollicitudine debemus. Tibi igiturg Aldo,h abbas venerabilis, tuisque successoribus et ecclesiae tuae quaedam altaria quae a Noviomensi episcopo a longo tempore sub personatu tenuerat, deinceps libera et absque personatu in perpetuumi possidenda concedimus, videlicet altare sancti Stephani apud Humolariasj cum capella et appenditiis suis, altare de Landercurtk cum capellis suis del Frainetom et Seguncurte cumn appenditiis suis. Singuliso annis in festivitate Sancti Remigii, pro hisp altaribus, tu et successores tui episcopo Noviomensi et ministris suis episcopalia et synodalia iura secundum antiquam consuetudinem persolvetis,q debitam pariter iustitiam ac reverentiam exhibentes; presbiteri qui eisdem altaribus deservient ad arbitrium abbatis et ecclesiae idonei constituantur, qui tamen ab episcopo seu ministris suis curam suscipiant et nihilominus debitam iustitiam atque reverentiam persequantur. Haec ut firma vobisr in perpetuum et inconvulsa permaneant, archidiaconi nostri Hugonis assensu et clericorum nostrorum consilio, praesenti pagina sub assignatis testibus confirmavimuss et sigilli nostri impressione signavimus.t Actum Noviomi,u anno Dominicae incarnationis MCXXIIII, indictione II. Signum Simonis Noviomensis atque Tornacensis episcopi. Signumv Hugonis archidiaconi. Signum Fulcheri decani. Signum Gualcheri thesaurarii. Signum Aymeri praepositi. Signum Haganonisw cantoris. Ego Hugo cancellarius subscripsi.


38

Pope Calixtus [II]

Pope Calixtus [II] notifies Aldo, abbot of Notre-Dame of Homblières, that henceforth the monastery and its possessions, which are here enumerated, will be under apostolic protection.


 [[ Print Edition Page No. 90 ]] 

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 4r-v, with the title “Privilegium Calixti papae, anno 1124.” C: H 588, pp. 5-6, with the same title as B.

Pub.: (a) Robert, Etude sur les actes du pape Calixte II, appendix, pp. cxxxii-cxxxiv, no. 360, copy of B. (b) Robert, Bullaire du pape Calixte II, 2:352-354, no. 517, copy of B. (c) Lohrmann, Papsturkunden, pp. 271-272, no. 30 (formulas abbreviated), based on BC.

Ind.: Matton, p. 93. Jaffé-Wattenbach, no. 7173.

Calixtus episcopus servus servorum Dei, dilecto filio Aldoni, abbati monasterii Humolariensis eiusque successoribus regulariter substituendis in perpetuum. Aequitatis et iustitiae ratio persuadet nos ecclesiis perpetuam rerum suarum firmitatem et vigoris inconcussi munimenta conferre. Non enim convenit Christi servos divino famulatui deditos perversis pravorum hominum molestiis agitari et temerariis quorumlibet vexationibus fatigari. Similiter et praedia, usibus caelestium secretorum dicata, nullas potentum angarias, nihil debent a clericis vel laicis extraordinarium sustinere. Cum igitur communis omnium ecclesiarum cura nobis concessa sit, tuis dilecte in Christo fili Aldo abbas, iustis petitionibus assensum praebentes, Humolariense beatae Dei genitricis Mariae monasterium cui, Domino authore, praesides, cum omnibus ad ipsum pertinentibus sub apostolicae sedis tutelam suscipimus ac beati Petri patrocinio communimus. Statuimus enim ut quaecumque praedia, quascumque possessiones idem coenobium in praesenti legitime possidet vel in futurum, largiente Deo, iuste atque canonice poterit adipisci, firma tibi tuisque successoribus et illibata permaneant, in quibus haec propriis nominibus duximus exprimenda, videlicet villam Humolarias ab omni exactione et debito saecularis potestatis liberam, excepto pastu et sue consulis;1 villam Curcellis cum terris, hortis, aquis et duobus molendinis; Merulphi curtem cum suis pertinentiis; Cauviniacum cum appenditiis suis; Abbatis villam cum appenditiis suis; Castelliacum super Isaram flumen cum pertinentiis suis; Ludolficurtem et villam Fraisindum cum pertinentiis suis; Frisiam cum terra arabili et furno cum pertinentiis suis. Praeterea altare Sancti Stephani apud Humolarias cum capella et appenditiis suis; altare de Urvillari cum capella sua; Cerisya et appenditiis suis; altare de Kahuneugi2 cum pertinentiis suis; altare de Landelcurt cum capellis suis; Fraisnedo et Seguncurte et appenditiis suis. Pro his vos altaribus singulis annis in festivitate Sancti Remigii, tu et successores tui episcopo Noviomensi et ministris suis episcopolia et synodalia iura secundum vestram antiquam consuetudinem persolvatis, debitam pariter iustitiam atque reverentiam exhibentes. Decernimus
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 91 ]] 
ergo ut nulli omnino hominum liceatb idem monasterium temere perturbare aut eius possessiones auferre vel ablatas retinere, minuere vel temerariis vexationibus fatigare, sed omnia integra conserventur, eorum pro quorum sustentatione et gubernatione concessa sunt, usibus omnimodis profutura. Obeunte te, nunc eius loci abbate vel tuorum quolibet successorum nullus ibi qualibet subreptionisc astutia seu violentia praeponatur, sed quem fratres communi consensu vel fratrum pars consilii sanioris secundum Dei timorem et beati Benedicti regulam providerint eligendum. Consuetudines quoque quas ipsi fratres habent secundum beati Benedicti constitutiones, nemo eas immutando praesumat illasd perturbare. Si qua igiture in futurum ecclesiastica saecularisve persona hanc nostrae confirmationis paginam sciens contra eam temere venire tentaverit, secundo tertiovef commonita, si non satisfactione congrua emendaverit, potestatis honorisque sui dignitate careat reamque se divino iudicio existere de perpetrata iniquitate agnoscat et a sacratissimo corpore et sanguine Dei et Domini redemptoris nostri Iesu Christi aliena fiat atque in extremo examine districtae ultioni subiaceat. Cunctis autemb eidem loco iustag servantibus sit pax Domini nostri Iesu Christi, quatenus et his fructum bonae actionis percipiant et apud districtum iudicem praemia aeternae pacis inveniant. Amen, Amen, Amen. Ego Calixtus catholicae ecclesiae episcopus. [monogramma] Datum Laterani per manum Aimericih sanctae romanae ecclesiae diaconi cardinalis et cancellarii, XVI calendas decembris, indictione III, MCXXIV anno incarnationis Dominicae, pontificatus autem domini Calixti II papae anno sexto.


39

Hugh [I], abbot of Homblières

Hugh [I], abbot of Homblières, concedes to the canons of Notre-Dame of Cuissy, at the request of their abbot, Lucas,1 part of the woods called Campigny2 for the construction of a monastic residence. They will pay a census of 5 s. annually on the feast of Saint Remi [1 October].


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B: Lat. 13911, fol. 60, with the title “De quinque solidis persolvendis a clericis de Cusciaco.” C: H 588, p. 54, with the same title as B.

Ind.: Matton, p. 95.

In nomine summae et unius Deitatis. Noverit universitas fidelium tam posterorum quam praesentium quod venerabilis vir Lucas, abbas canonicorum Sanctae Mariae ecclesiaea Cusciacensis, expetieritb praesentiam domini Hugonis abbatis ecclesiae Humolariensis humiliter deposcens ut pro Dei amore concederet ecclesiae sibi commissae partem nemoris quod dicitur Campasuarius ad aedificandum locum habitationis ibidem servorum Dei. Dominus autem abbas Hugo eius petitioni annuit, consilio tamen et favore fratrum sibi commissorum. Praefatus vero Lucas ut haec concessio rata et firma consisteret sub censu quinque solidorum in festo Sancti Remigii quotannis persolvendorum, eam se suosque successores tenere constituit. Huius rei testes sunt Evrardus, miles de Duilliaco, Gerardus Walterus de Hamo, Ioannes camerarius, Rainaldus maior. Actum anno verbi incarnatit MCXXXII.


40

Simon, bishop of Noyon and Tournai

Simon, bishop of Noyon and Tournai, concedes the altar of Marcy to Hugh [I], abbot of Homblières.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 35r-v, with the title “Simonis episcopi de altari de Marci.” C: H 588, p. 34, with the same title as B, except for “Marcy.”

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, regestum, p. 42, “chartae eorumdem.” (b) Colliette, 2:263, incomplete copy of a.

Ind.: Bréquigny, 2:609. Matton, p. 94.

In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti. Docente ac suggerente Spiritu sancto, didicimus fratribus Deoa militantibus opem miserationis
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afferrib debere, eisque potissimum quos mundi flore calcato divinae contemplationi videmus ardentius inhaerere. Qui enim optimam partem elegere, optima merentur ab optimis impetrare. Eapropter ego Simon, Deic gratia Noviomensis et Tornacensis episcopus, haecd praesentes scire volumus et futuros: venerabilem Humolariensis ecclesiae abbatem Hugonem,e bonae opinionis ac religionis virum, cum eiusdem loci fratribus nos humiliter adiisse utque ecclesiae suaef longag temporis inquietudine, super quam credi possit, attritae in tantorum malorum remedium,g altare de Marcih perpetuoi concederemus, multis modis exorasse. Tuam itaque, reverende fili Hugo, plenam rationis petitionemj attendentes praesertim quod inibik per te monasticus ordo refloruerat, condescendere petitioni tuae dignum duximus, tibiquel ac successoribus tuis in perpetuum salvo pontificali ac synodali iure, altare postulatum benigne concessimus.m Si quis ergo concessionem celebriter et laudabiliter actam vel abnegare, quod absit, vel labefactare praesumpserit, anathematis eum vinculis obligamus, apicibusque litterarum mandatarum cum testium tumn sigilli nostri impressione stipulari non absurdum censuimus. Signum Simonis episcopi. Signum Hugonis archidiaconi. Signum Gerardi decani canonicorum Sancti Quintini. Signum dominio Heriberti abbatis Sancti Praeiecti.p Signumq Goffridir cantoris. Signum Anselmi presbyteri. Signum Evrardi. Signum Roberti diaconorum. Signum Nevelonis. Signumq Oddoniss canonicorum. Actum apud Sanctum Quintinum anno incarnationis verbi MCXXXIII, indictione XI,t domino Simone pontificante, Ludovico rege imperante. Domino autem Iesu Christo ad nutum suum omnia disponente, cui estu honor et gloria in saecula saeculorum. Amen. Ego Hugo cancellarius subscripsi.


41

Abbot Hugh [I] of Homblières

Abbot Hugh [I] of Homblières, at the request of Simon, bishop of Noyon and Tournai, and with the approval of the entire chapter of Homblières, concedes to Abbot Galeran and the monks of Notre-Dame of Ourscamp the land of Mennessis and Voyaux, part in allod and part in manse.1 Bishop Simon then grants the altar of Marcy to Homblières.


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A: Original. Seal of “yellow wax. Seal of a bishop badly broken.” This charter was used by Peigné-Delacourt but has since disappeared. B: Oise, A.D., H 4079, Cartulaire d’Ourscamp, p. 18, without the witnesses, copy of the 13th c. C: B.N., lat. 5473, Cartulaire d’Ourscamp, fol. 100, defective copy of the 17th c.

Pub.: (a) Peigné-Delacourt, pp. 50-51, no. 78, copy of AB (text given here).

In nomine summe Deitatis. Ego Hugo, Dei gratia abbas et humilis minister ecclesie Humolariensis, notum volo fieri universitati fidelium presentium ac futurorum quod dominus et venerabilis pastor noster Symon, Noviomensis et Tornacensis episcopus, nostram rogavit humilitatem ut pro Dei et sui amore concederemus dominoa abbati Gualeranno et fratribus de Ursicampo terram ecclesie nostre pertinentem, terram scilicet Manessiarum et Vadulorum. Nos vero sanam eius petitionem debita humilitate suscipientes, prefatam terram, terram scilicet Manessiarum et Vadulorum, a fossato Gerardino usque ad territorium Ruminiacense, tam alodium quam terram mansualem,1 ecclesie sancte Marie de Ursicampo, ex consilio et pleno assensu totius nostri capituli, ex integro cum omnibus appendiciis suis concessimus ac immutabiliter contradidimus absolute ac perpetue libertatis iure possidendum. Ipse vero prefatus episcopus ecclesie nostre, quam pio pastoris diligebat affectu minorationem non sustinens, verum et bone voluntatis nostre condignam recompensationem faciens, altare de Marce nobis tradit iure perpetuo possidendum. Ut ergo tam pia elemosinarum largitio et tam devota traditio in posterum inconcussa permaneat, sigilli sancte Marie Humolarensis impressione et testium qui audierunt et benignum assensum prebuerunt et viderunt, assignatione confirmamus et anathematis sententia innodamus. Actum Humolarias in communi capitulo, anno incarnationis Dominice MCXXXV, indictione XIII. Signumb Lamberti prioris. Signum Nicholai. Signum Petri. Signum Eligii. Signum Gerardi prepositi. Signum Gerardi helemosinarii. Signum Alchui. Signum Arnulfi decani. Signum Arnulfi sacriste. Signum Helduini huc usque senioris. Signum Symonis diaconi. Signum Gozzumi subdiaconi. Signum Benedicti. Signum Balthulfi. Signum Walteri. Signum Rogeri. Signum Elvardi canonici prioris de Margellis. Signum Agelini canonici de Margellis. Signum Huberti canonici de Aroasia. Signum Clementis subprioris de Ursicampo. Signum Roberti marescali de Ursicampo.



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42

Abbot Hugh [I] of Homblières

Abbot Hugh [I] of Homblières announces an exchange of property with Rabold of Péronne.2 Rabold recovers the water [of Frise]3 that his wife’s ancestors had given to Homblières. In return he gives, with the approval of his wife and son, half of the oven located in the horse market of Péronne,4 6 s. annually, one hundred eels annually three days before Christmas, and permission for Homblières to grind its grain at his mills without charge.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 89, with the title “De commutatione aquae pro medietate furni Peronensis.” C: H 588, p. 72, with the same title as B.

Ind.: Matton, p. 95.

In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis, Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti. Ego Hugo, Dei gratia humilis procurator ecclesiae Humolariensis, notum fieri volo universitati fidelium tam posterorum quam praesentium quod Raboldus Peronensis a me et a fratribus nostris expetierit commutationem quamdam fieria de aqua quam ecclesia nostra quiete possidebat, ab antecessoribus uxoris eius pro remedio animarum suarum sanctae Mariae traditam. Ut autem hoc ei unanimiter concederemus dedit nobis,b concedente uxore sua et filio, dedit,b inquam, in commutationem medietatemc furni apud Peronam siti in mercato ubi equi venduntur.d Et quiae hoc minus valebat quam quod a nobis petebat, fecit nobis pacem annuam exhibitione pretii sui sex solidis quod ecclesia nostra debebat quotannis ecclesiae Sancti Quintini de Monte, praeterea in conventione habuit singulis annis soluturum nobis centum anguillas triduo ante natalem Domini, et propriam annonam nostram de curte nostra in molendinis suis faciet moli loco convenienti sine molitura. Ut autem haec rata permanere valeant, subscriptione chirographi et impressione sigilli nostri ea corroboravimus subnotatis veracibus testibus: Heriberto, Ioanne, Gerardo, Arnulfo, Harduino caeterisque fratribus nostris quorum favore actum est.



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43

Wildric Hauart

Wildric Hauart exchanges his wife’s land of Martis1 for Homblières’s land of Helieres2 and six modii annually of wheat and oats at the measure of Saint-Quentin for the next thirty years. His agent will come to the monastery with sacks for the grain on All Saints’ Day [1 November]. His wife’s father and brothers swear to uphold this agreement, and her brother Escot will take an oath to it when he becomes a knight. Burgard3 and Alcildis, from whom Wildric held his land, approve.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 83, with the title “De commutatione terrae de Helieres pro terra Marchioniasi.” C: H 588, p. 70, with the same title as B.

Ind.: Matton, p. 95.

In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis. Notum sit fidelibus universis tam posteris quam modernis Wildricum cognomento Hauart terram de Martis quam tenebat ex parte uxoris suae . . .a concedentibus pro terra nostra de . . .a quae eo quod caeteris suis possessionibus confinior videbatur et sua nostris, e converso, nobis in commutationem dedisse. Et quoniam aliquantisper sua melior esse videbatur, ut utrinque consonaret aequitas, ad censum quatuor modios frumenti et duos avenae ad mensuram Sanquintinensemb abc hoc anno qui est ab incarnatione Domini MCXXXVII usque ad XXX annos suscepimus,d tali pacto quod in festo Omnium Sanctorum serviens eius huc veniat cum saccise et mensurabuntur ei praedicta mensura et nos mittemus ad Ribodimontem. Idem etiam nobis concessit quod si usque ad terminum XXX annorum in eadem terra nemus aut bruserias sartaverimus, sartum cunctis diebus sive remanebit ecclesiae ad garbam nonam distinctum; etiam ei pasturam eiusdem terrae tam animalibus quam servientibus nostris liberam concessit, adeo quod si quandocumque pro quolibet accidenti controversia inter nos et ipsumf occurrerit, non alias nisi in curia Humolariensi placitum possit transferri. Haec autem firmiter tenenda sacramento firmaverunt idem Waldricusg et pater uxoris eius, Radulfi Piler, et filiih eius Clarembaldus et Ramaldus. Iuraverunt etiam quod Escot cum miles factus fuerit idem
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iurare faceret.i Burgardus etiam et uxor eius Alcildis de quorum feodo terram tenebat benigne concesserunt.


44

A two-part inventory of lands and revenues of Homblières

A two-part inventory of lands and revenues of Homblières first identifies the gifts received by the abbey and their donors—among whom are Oilbald Porell and Evrard Calvus, who became monks there, Count Herbert IV of Vermandois, the brothers Robert of Marle and Guy of Coucy, and several knights—and then lists the rents and payments owed by tenants in the abbey’s villages.

B: Lat. 13911, fols. 64-67 with the title “De mansis pertinentibus huic ecclesiae.” C: H 588, pp. 56-60, with the same title as B.

Ind.: Matton, p. 95.

Cap. 1. In Curcellis quae cuncta habemus vel a quibus accepimus huic operi inserere necessarium duximus. In primis Hildeberis cum filiis suis, Rogero Mal. filio et Rothardo, quidquid possidebant apud Curcellas iuxta Fontem Somonae Deo et Sanctae Mariae pro animarum suarum remedio largiti sunt. Deinde Levulfus, Rogerus, Robertus, filiia Dodae, simili zelo sororum suarum, accensi pari consensu, quidquid in eodem vico habebant huic ecclesiae devote tradiderunt. Postea Rainerus Gusiensis qui Dodam, Oilboldib cognomento Porelli uxorem, duxerat,2 monasticae normae tonsuram atque habitum suscipiens, mediam partem terrae extra et infra eumdem vicum sitae, filiis suis Erberto videlicet atque Roberto pariter laudantibus, huic similiter loco voluntarie concesserunt,c eo scilicetd tenore quod quatuor denariorum libras proinde habuerint. Nec multo post patre eorum adhuc in hoc coenobio vivente regulariter, ut praescriptum est,e aliamf mediam partem, XII nummorum libris iterum sumptis super altare sanctae Mariae, perpetualiter habenda ramo et cespite, sicut mos est, coram testibus tradiderunt. Interea Mainardus de Issimacog et Hervinus eius filius XII denarios, quos ibidem in beneficium
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habebant, pro suis animabus, huius loci sanctis dederunt. Praeterea Robertus de Halut consuetudines quas ibi haereditario iure tenebat pro fratre suo Oiboldo,h qui ad huius ecclesiae portum de mundi huius naufragio confugit, huic loco benevolus cum matris consensu tradidit. His itai factis, Helvinus et Tedzo, fratres Eringardae,j eiusdem Helvini uxore et filiis eorum annuentibus, duos campos qui in medio culturarum nostrarum circa eumdem vicum erant tam pro cuiusdam anathematis emendatione quam pro animarum suarum dederuntk salute. Ad villam quae Crux dicitur, Hervardusl qui Domicellus cognominabatur campum unum pro sepultura sua donavit. Cap. 2. Eodem tempore, altare de Fraxiniaco cum Landricurte et eorum appenditiis a Ioanne clerico, Willelmim Roiant filio, et Ansello, Anselli maioris filio, de istius ecclesiae thesauro emptum est.n Romelidiso de Petroso Monte ea quae apud Brancurtem in terra arabili et in curtilibus seu inp sylva possidebat, Maria eius filia et eiusdem Mariae filio Evrardo nomine concordantibus, loco huic dedit. Levulfus etiam de Fontanis in Monte etq Waldo de Stabulis similiter quidquid in eodem vico haereditarie tenebant dederunt. Balduinus clericus de villa quae Sissiacus dicitur, post apud Sanctum Quintinum in Insula monachus factus,r quidquid in praefato mansionili habebat in XXXX solidorum vadimonio dedit, eo scilicet modo ut in festo Sancti Remigii superscripti solidi reddantur, sin autem ad eumdem terminum sequentis anni restituantur. Cap. 3. Apud Remenvallem est sylva et terra arabilis atque curtilia quae Garderuss de Poncellis, Romelidet uxore sua et Christiano nepote suo faventibus, nobis concessit. Cap. 4. Nos autem notum fore volumus quam, cum primum in ecclesia Sanctae Mariae quae Montis Sancti Martini dicitur, Praemonstratensisu ordinis sub sancti Augustini regula, pauperes fratres aedificare et habitare caepissent, nos eorum compatientes inopiae totam terram quam apud Brahencurt nostra ecclesia possidebat, assensu nostri capelli, hoc pacto praefatae ecclesiae donavimus ut ex illa parte quam coluerunt octavum semper manipulum, et pro parte altera, quae ut antiquitus fuerat sylva remanserit, II solidos Humolariensi ecclesiae in festo sancti Andreae memoratae ecclesiae fratres annuatim persolvant. Cap. 5. Item apud Remeivillam Oilboldus etiam de Halut qui, ut praedictum est, in hoc loco monachicumv schema sumpsit, quidquid in supradicto rure tenebat Sanctae Mariae tribuit, similiter etiam quidquidw apud Clastras,3 vicum Sancti Quintini,x habebat, matre et fratre faventibus, impertivit. Cap. 6. Evrardus, filius Harduini de Ribodimonte,y quidquid apud Issimacumz iuxta Curcellas tenebat, sorore sua Haduide concedente, isti loco donavit.
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Cap. 7. Romolidis, quam Stephanus, Evrardi Calvi frater, et post Garderus de Poncellis uxorem habuit, curtile unum apud Fuillanas cum terra dedit. Cap. 8. Hugo etiam de Monteniaa campum Pratellae qui est inter Posiosos etbb Montenicc huic ecclesiae tradidit, quem Natali Carpentario in duorum solidorum censum dedimus. Similiter apud Berneivillam terram unoquoque anno VI solidos solventem concessit quam nos Ermenfrodo, eiusdem villae colono, sub manso tenendam concessimus. Cap. 9. Apud Fontanas iuxta Fuillas campum dedit unum Levulfus,dd quem nos maiori Abbatis villae procurandum dedimus. Cap. 10. Robertus cognomento Anguillula pro restitutione aureae crucis, quae praestita est, terram quamdam apud Abbatis villam dedit Sanctae Mariae, et ipsa iuncta est terrae Gypbni,4 filii Witberti Rufi, de qua duas partes habemus. Cap. 11. Petrus de Roia et alter Petrus de Nigella terram quam habebant apud Marceium loco huic pro animabus suis concesserunt, et alios comparticipes suos alteram partem dare fecerunt, Oilboldoee Sene, qui de praefata Roia5 huc ad conversionem venerat, et Fulchrado, huius ecclesiae casato, praesentibus, sicut unusquisque eorum donum ramo, denario seu obolo super altare ponendum statuit. Robertus etiam Anguilla alodii sui partem quam in villa ipsa possidebat huic ecclesiae donavit et exinde XXXX solidos accepit. Cap. 12. Adselinus de Porta Ribodimontis quidquid apud Baninpontem habuit huic ecclesiae contulit. Similiter et Oilboldus de Roia qui, ut iam dictum est, in hoc loco monachicum habitum sumpsit; eodem etiam modo fecit Wido Senex de Fuillanis, Wildrici pater; Robertus etiam de Marla et frater eius Wido de Codiciaco, ambo filii Erzelini de Erblencurte.6 Cap. 13. Adselinusff de Porta qui supra quidquid apud Sisseium habebat loco huic tradidit, acceptis proinde quatuor libris ex uno equo in pretium trium librarum et pro sepultura sua. Cap. 14. Petrus, Herberti comitis nepos, ea quae in eadem villa in vadimonium tenebat pro sua uxorisque suae iam defunctae sepultura donavit, tali conditione ut nobis XII denariorum libris redditis res illae a redimentibus recipiantur. Cap. 15. Apud Cisneium7 est terra quam idem Adselinus de Porta haereditarie possidebat quamquamgg Theodericus cognomento Miles, eiusdem autem gener, mutua data vicissitudine suscepit, et huic loco pro filio suo quem parvulum Deo et sanctis eius obtulit, in beneficium largitus est. Id etiam Bonardus8. Roberti cognomento Buhuz coniux, pro suahh virique sui anima fecit. Cap. 16.ii Petrus de Marla alodium suum apud Leherias situm Sanctae Mariae largitus est. Apud villam quae Lehericurtis dicitur, iuxta Francorum Curtem, est terra quam Bernardus Senior cum Iudith,
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sorore sua, Roberti Anguillulae matre, Deo etjj sanctae Mariae sanctaeque Hunegundi tradiderunt, aliam partem Richero, Bernardi filio de Lauduno, in manu sua retinente. Cap. 17. In villa quae Neiaslakk dicitur Ingelbertus de Cuhuca pratum unum et curtile dedit. Cap. 18. Apud Bovencurtem, Boso de Felcino quatuor curtilia et duos campos ecclesiae isti tradidit, in qua monachus effectus in claustro est tumulatus. Cap. 19. In eadem villa Oddo Frarinus, apud nos monachus factus, reliquit nobis pro anniversario suo II modios frumenti de horreo suo singulis annis persolvendos. Cap. 20. Apud Bresnotum, Heribertus comes et mater eius Pavia dederunt huic ecclesiae quoddam alodium quod pater eius Otto eiusque genitrix Ermengardis nomine, avia videlicet praefati Heriberti, collato pretio emerunt illud sibi distrahente quodam villae eiusdem homine Ernoldo; huius siquidem alodiill medietatem iam superius dicta Ermengardis, Ottonis comitis mater, dono dedit huic ecclesiae pro remedio animae suae, praesente Walterannomm abbate. Otto vero omnes post mortem matris suam partem, tantum sibi viventi retentam, moriens huic ecclesiae reliquit, assensu Herberti filii eius et uxoris suae Paviae. De hoc quidem chartam legitimamnn habemus.9 Cap. 21. In eadem siquidem villa Wichardus10 pro remedio animae suae dedit huic ecclesiae, uxoris suae filiorumque suorum favore, partem cuiusdemoo prati quod vocatur Pomertiapp cum recisionibus, quae excedunt mensuras cum longis mensuris et longis gyronibus. Uxore autem eius Gualinaqq nomine defuncta pro sepultura eius, dederunt filii ipsius et filiae quod habebant apud Longum Pratum ad exitum scilicet vadi. Non multo post, Evrardus Calvus ad tutelam huius ecclesiae confugit ibique monachicum habitum sumens, reliquam partem eiusdem prati cum his quas diximus recisiones, scilicet longas mensuras et gyrones, tradidit eidem ecclesiae. Tradidit et quidquid habebat apud Bernonvillam,rr et campum et saltum, servos quoquess et ancillas, eodem abbate huius ecclesiae adhuc praesidente. Quaedam contentio orta est inter nos et castellulumtt Sancti Quintini, Widnonemuu nomine, nam die quadam rupit seclusam nostram apud Meruficurtemvv villam adeo ut per quindecim dies molendinus non moleret. Quapropter scriptus abbas Henricus comitem Heribertum cum suis fidelibus expetiit et super ruptura ipsius seclusae clamorem fecit; et inde dato vadio in placito a quodam coquo Sanctae Mariae nomine Walterio, et ab altera parte non reddito, dirrationavit idem abbas seclusam ecclesiae ita subiectam et propriam ut quotiescumque ipsam elevari oporteret elevaretur et pro nullo dimitteretur. Item de iustitia et districtu ipsius villae videlicet
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Morincurtisww certum habemus quod si quis in ea furtum fecerit et deprehensus fuerit in districtu villae, nullus in eum manum mittere debet propter iustitiam quamxx dominus abbas; ipse enim si potest debet eum iustitiare usque ad redemptionem, si vero per se non potest, consulem habeat advocatum. Similiter et apud Humolarias nos hac eadem libertate11 perfrui notum est omnibus, salvis tamen consuetudinibus praefati consulis, has enim consuetudines apud nos habent: XXX solidos pro pastu, summarium unum, aprum unum, racemorum coronam si tanta copia fuerit in vuis. Haec sunt quae ei debentur per annum. Homines vero istius villae nihil debent eiyy praeter exercitium et expeditionem. Cap. 22. In Castelliaco sunt mansi quinque et dimidius, ecclesia una, et duo molendini. Mansus solvit IIII modios frumenti et VI denarios in festivitate Sancti Remigii, domino Mascelino huic loco abbate praesidente. Godefridus dominus Ribodimontiszz12 curtem nostram quae in villula Castelluloaaa nomine sita est cum omnibus quae nostrae proprietatis ibi esse possunt ab omni districtu vel advocatione liberam esse recognovit, seque quidquid in ea acceperat iure magis praedae quam haereditatis accepisse paenitensbbb et ob hoc indulgentiam petens in ecclesia Sanctae Mariae absolutionem impetravit; concessit et illud Deo et sanctis huius loci ut greges nostri in omnibus pascuis liberam eius pascendi habeant facultatem, remissa consuetudine arietis quae singulis annis debebatur pro pascuis villae quae dicitur Bellumvidere, huius compensatione beneficii cum Elberto senescallo suo in orationibus nostrae congregationis est receptus. Cap. 23. In Macerias dimidius mansus solvit XIIII denarios in martio et XIIII in festo Sancti Remigii. Cap. 24. In villa quae dicitur Bux, unus mansus et solvit XII denarios. Cap. 25. In Frasindo sunt mansi IX et dimidius et quarta pars unius, ecclesia una, et camba una. Mansus solvit VII solidos inter festivitatem Sancti Ioannis et Sancti Remigii, et faciunt consuetudines quas faciunt homines in Morincurte manentes. Cap. 26. In Frisia sunt mansi VIII. Mansus solvit IIII solidos inter festivitatem Sancti Ioannis et Sancti Remigii. Est ibi aqua non modica: partem cuius in nostro dominicatu retentam habemus; partem vero alteram cuidam militi indigenae concessimus iure possidendam, accipientes ab illa medietatem cuiusdam furni in Perona iuxta forum ubi equi venduntur siti, et C anguillas in natalibus Domini annuatim persolvendas, insuper sex solidos quos debebamus ecclesiae Sancti Quintini de Monte ipse pro nobis solvit, de quibus etiam iam se liberum fecit, datis inde VII libris abbati praefatae ecclesiae et omni congregationi sibi commissae. Adhuc nobis concessitccc
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molere ad molendina sua quidquid necesse fuerit his qui in curte nostra manserint de nostro pane viventibus sine molitura. Hanc conventionem cum praefato milite Roberto nomine habemus.13 In Lantiaco sunt mansi V, et solvunt V solidos de respectu et IIII denarios in medio martio et in natalibus Domini XIIII capones.ddd Item augusto quartum manipulumeee de omnibus frugibus quae ibi seruntur et metuntur seu plantantur, hac lege videlicet posita inter nos et cultores ipsorum quod nec ipsi haec iura minuere nec nos augmentare possimus. Siquidem et quartam partem quam ab illis accepimus ipsi iure inevitabili cum ex nostra parte monentur debent adducerefff ad hanc abbatiam, nihil a nobis amplius accipientes quam singuli panes singulos et quatuor iumentis una rasa mensura data in Galgiaco est. Cap. 27. Mansus primus et solvit II solidos in festo Sancti Martini. Cap. 28. In Prandrugio I mansus exsolvit VIII solidos inter festivitatem Sancti Ioannis et Sancti Remigii. Cap. 29. In Bertolficurte I mansus solvit XXX denarios in festivitate Sancti Remigii. Cap. 30. In Serodicurte I mansus et solvit IIII solidos et pastum cum quanta manu monachorum sive militum se illuc comitantium voluerit. Cap. 31. In Petroso Monte de terra quae ibi est IIII solidos inter festivitatem Sancti Ioannis et Sancti Remigii.


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COMMENT

The inventory lacks a title but the cartulary rubric reads “concerning the manses belonging to this church.” There are in fact two distinct parts to the inventory. The first (chaps. 1-3, 5-21) is a list of acquisitions organized by locality with the names of donors, who seem to have been free peasants or minor allodial landholders and who required the approval only of their immediate families for alienations of property. Most of these acquisitions fall in the second half of the eleventh century. Oilbald Porell of Halut, “who became a monk” at Homblières (chaps. 1, 5, 12), and Evrard Calvus, “who took the habit of a monk” at Homblières (chap. 21), were called domestici of the count of Vermandois in 1075 (act no. 31). The inventory scribe extracted information from a “legal charter” of Count Herbert IV of 1045 (act no. 30) which he claimed was still in the abbey’s possession (chap. 21). The inventory also describes a dispute between Homblières and the castellan of Saint-Quentin who had so damaged a mill that it was inoperable for fifteen days (chap. 21); Abbot Henry (1059-1075/1090) appealed for aid to Count Herbert IV (1045-ca. 1081). The precision of such entries, particularly of details about properties and genealogies of minor landholders who do not appear in any extant charter, suggests that the inventory was copied from firsthand evidence, either from contemporary charters that do not survive or from an earlier inventory of the late eleventh century.


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The second part of the inventory (chaps. 4, 22-31) lists manses owing rents to the abbey. It can be dated to the first half of the twelfth century: several of the manses had been acquired when “Mazelin was abbot” (chap. 22: 1106-1123), and the oven of Péronne (chap. 26) was received after 1136 (act no. 42, which is extracted in the inventory). Moreover, chap. 4, which is clearly a late insertion, can be dated to ca. 1136 (see n. 1). To this second part must be added a fragment edited here as act no. 106 and dated by Newman to the late twelfth century. One entry of the fragment refers to the customs exacted from the tenants of Morcourt and Homblières, quae superius diximus; those customs were in fact described in the inventory (act no. 44, chap. 21) and were reaffirmed in the papal bull of 1145 (act no. 53). Since act no. 106 appears before act no. 44 in the medieval cartulary, the inventory of revenues must have been seriously damaged or dismembered when it was copied into the cartulary ca. 1170.

In sum, Homblières probably had an inventory of minor oral transfers from the late eleventh century that was copied and updated when the monks compiled an inventory of revenues, of which only fragments survive, shortly after 1136.


451

Nicholas, bishop of Cambrai

Nicholas, bishop of Cambrai, confirms some property of the monastery of Mont-Saint-Martin, including land at Brancourt held from Notre-Dame of Homblières for a census.

B: B.N., lat. 5478, Cartulaire du Mont-Saint-Martin, fol. 62v, copy of the 13th c. C: B.N., fr. 9468, fol. 249, copy of B by Du Cange, 16th c. D: B.N., lat. 9128, Cartulaire du Mont-Saint-Martin, pp. 231-232, copy of B of the 18th c.

Ind.: Matton, p. 169.

. . . Item in Braencort censualem terram Sancti Fursei Sanctique Quintini et Sancte Marie Humblariensis . . .


461

Pope Innocent II

A bull in which Pope Innocent II confirms the possessions of Saint-Michel-en-Thiérache includes a revenue of one modius of wheat owed to the monastery of Homblières for part of the mill of Flavigny (see act no. 47).

B: B.N., lat. 18375, Cartulaire de Saint-Michel, pp. 237-238, copy of the 13th c.


 [[ Print Edition Page No. 105 ]] 

Pub.: (a) Prou, “Supplique et bulle du XIIe siècle,” pp. 617-621, copy of B. (b) Ramackers, p. 108, no. 27, copy of B.

Ind.: Piette, no. 6.

. . . in allodio Flavigniaci partes duas, in molendino ipsius ville partes duas, et de tercia parte modium unum frumenti a monasterio Hummolariensi persolvendum . . .


46A

Hugh [I], abbot of Homblières

Hugh [I], abbot of Homblières, announces the resolution of a dispute that arose when Ralph Strabo gave the fief that he held from Baldwin of Soupir to Mont-Saint-Martin for building a monastery. Evrard of Marchavenne and his brother Wicard of Bernot claimed that they held that land in fief from Burchard of Lesquielles and presented a docment in proof. After an inquiry, and at the request of the count of Vermandois and the bishop of Laon, Burchard evicted Evrard and Wicard from that land.

B: B.N., lat. 5478, Cartulaire du Mont-Saint-Martin, fol. 116v, with the title “Hugonis abbatis quomodo Everaldus et Wicardus dederunt territorium de Monte Sancti Martini liberum,” copy of the 13th c. C: B.N., lat. 9128, Cartulaire du Mont-Saint-Martin, pp. 462-464, copy of B of 1740.

In nomine Domini. Hugo, Dei gratia Humolariensis ecclesie abbas humillimus, presentibus et futuris in perpetuum. Quoniam non que sua sunt sed que aliorum querere vera ab apostolo docetur et describitur caritas, nos gradum aliquem virtutis eius conantes attingere, fratrem nostrorum in Christo gaudemus cum possumus commodiatibus inservire. Omnibus itaque notum facimus quoniam cum Radulphus Strabo, divina preveniter et adiutus gratia seculo abrenuncians, territorium de Monte Sancti Martini quod a Balduino de Supeio tenebat in feodum quod et ipse Balduinus acceperat a Radulpho comite Viromandensium, eisdem Radulpho videlicet comite et Balduino concedentibus et confirmantibus, Deo cum omnibus que habebat offerens contulisset cepit ibidem in honore Sancte Dei genetricis Marie, Premonstratensis ordinis, abbatiam construere. Tunc Everaldus de Moreincavenne et Guicardus de Bernot, frater eius, eorumque filii contradicentes per scriptum territorium suum esse seque a Bucardo de Leschieres tenere illud in feodum, prefatam multis ecclesiam turbaverunt iniuriis. Cumque super hoc sepius et Radulpho comite et predicto
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 106 ]] 
Buchardo et quibuscumque poterant memorate fratres quererentur ecclesie; tandem predictus Buchardus, domini Bartholomei Laudunensi episcopi et Radulphi comitis aliorumque multorum devictus, precibus et ecclesie honoratus muneribus, sepedictum territorium et ipse ab omni angaria et exactione liberum sepefate ecclesie contulit et memoratis Everaldum et Guicardum eorumque filios nos parius ecclesie donis evictos. Hoc idem legitime concedere fecit. Iuraverunt itaque in Humolariensis Sancte Marie ecclesia supra dicti Everaldus et Guichardus eorumque filii Amolricus et Gerardus insuper et per fidem suam confirmaverunt quatinus nichil iuris deinceps vel ipsi vel eorum posteri in territorio de Monte Sancti Martini requirerent, quinpotius ecclesiam illam quantumcunque possent ab omnium infestatione fideliter ut amici defenderent. Que ut rata permaneant per notatis Everardo et Guicardo multisque qui aderant ita rogantibus scripto mandavimus quod sigilli nostri impressione testiumque subscriptione roboratum per cyrographum dividentes utrique ecclesie conservandum commissimus. Actum anno verbi incarnati MCXL. Signa et cetera.


47

Bartholomew, bishop of Laon

Bartholomew, bishop of Laon, declares that the monks of Notre-Dame of Homblières and the canons of Saint-Gervais of Guise, having decided to exchange certain of their possessions for their mutual convenience, followed episcopal law and placed those possessions in his hands, and he made the transfers. With the assent of Burchard of Guise1 and others concerned, the said canons gave to the church of Homblières two parts of the tithe of Bernot in return for the altar of Montreux, part of the mill at Flavigny, and a field at Maslia. This exchange was recorded in a chirograph divided between the two parties.2

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 86r-v, with the title “De duobus partibus decimae de Bersnots.” C: H 588, p. 71, with the same title as B, except for “duabus” and “Bernot.” D: Claude L’Eleu, grand-archidiacre de Thiérache, “Histoire de la ville de Laon,” 1:373, copy of the 18th c. in the L’Eleu de la Simone family (manuscript not seen).

Ind.: Florival, p. 251 (indicates D). Matton, p. 95.

In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis. Ego Bartholomaeusa Dei gratia sanctae Laudunensis ecclesiae minister humillimus. Quantas commissis ovibus debeamus excubias, evangelica nos docet assertio
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 107 ]] 
dicens cui plus committitur plus ab eo exigitur,b his etiam verbis qui ab officio pastoris multorum curam suscepimus, utilitati multorum provida cautione subvenire monemur. Hoc attendentes, notum ecclesiae volumus tam praesentibus quam futuris in perpetuum quod monachi Sanctae Mariae Humolariensis monasterii pariterque canonici ecclesiaec Sancti Gervasii de Guisia, consideratis singulis suarumd opportunitatibus sive commoditatibus ecclesiarum, quaedam de possessionibus suis intra se commutare nostro assensu decreverunt, quae etiam episcopali iure commutanda fuerant nostris in manibus utrique reddiderunt. Annuente itaque Burcardo de Guisia cunctisque pariter ad quos ista donatio potuit pertinere, memorati canonici dederunt per manus nostras ecclesiae Humolariensi duas partes totius decimae de Bresnost.e Illis itidem mutuo sibi donantibus altare de Monsteriolo,f et apud Flaviniacum partem molendini et pratum et campum, apud Masliam curtilium et pratum, insuper et omnia quae apud Gisniacum videlicet et Fasticum et vindemias et pratumg atque prateolos eorum ecclesia praedicta possidebat.h Quo praedicto modoi factae commutationes ne aliqua in posterum oblivione aut occasione possint dissolvi, scripto easj mandari atque inter eos per chirographum dividi praecepimus, testiumque subscriptione et sigilli nostri impressione roborari curavimus. Signum Balduini abbatis Sancti Quintini de Insula. Signum Garini abbatis Sancti Proiecti. Signum Guillelmik abbatis Sancti Nicolai de Pratis. Signum Gerardi abbatis Clarofontanensis.l Signum Godescalci abbatis de Monte Sancti Martini. Signum Simonis de Ribodimonte.3 Signum Wicardi de Auriniaco. Signum Evrardi fratris sui. Signum Clarembaldi de Fastis.4 Signumm Rohardi fratris sui. Signum Odonis Waldencurtis. Et ne aliqua persona hoc scriptum nostrum mutare praesumat sub anathemate prohibemus. Actum Lauduni, anno MCXXXXII, indictione V, epacta XXII, cyclus lunae XIX. Ego Bartholomaeusa cancellarius relegi.



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48

Simon, bishop of Noyon

Simon, bishop of Noyon, permits Abbot Hugh [II] and the monks of Homblières to receive as a gift the fief [of two ovens and arable]1 in Rouvroy and Harly that the knight Oliver held from him in his capacity as treasurer of the church of Saint-Quentin.2 Homblières will pay Saint-Quentin two pounds of wax annually at the feast of Saint Quentin [31 October] for both the grant and the service owed by the fief. The treasurer retains justice over the fief in cases involving bloodshed and theft. After ninety-nine years Oliver’s heirs may reclaim these lands (but not the ovens) on payment of 70 l. Bishop Simon also concedes to Homblières the water of Le Moulin Brûlé for a census of 30 s.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 48r-v, with the title “Simonis episcopi de feodo Oliveri in Ruvereio [et] Harleio de aqua in [changed to de] Leuvengiis.” C: H 588, pp. 44-45, with the same title and correction as B.

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, regestum, pp. 42-43 “chartae eorumdem” (incomplete). (b) Colliette, 2:276-277, copy of a.

Ind.: Bréquigny, 3:88. Matton, p. 94.

In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti.a Docente ac suggerente Spiritub sancto didicimus fratribus Deo militantibus opem miserationis studiumque debitae pietatis conferri debere, eisque potissimum quos mundi flore calcato spontaneam paupertatem eligere divinaeque contemplationi ardentius videmusc inhaerere. Qui enim optimam partem elegere, optima merentur ab optimis impetrare. Eapropter ego Simon, Noviomensis episcopus, scire praesentes volumus et futuros, venerabilem Hugonem Humolariensis ecclesiae abbatem, bonae opinionis ac religionis virum, cum fratribus loci eiusdem nos humiliterb adiisse atque multis modisd exorasse quatenus permitteremuse dari sibi in eleemosynam quoddam feudumf in Ruvereio et Harleio situm quod a nobis ex officio thesaurariae nostraeg in ecclesia Sancti Quintini tenebat quidam miles Oliverush nomine, quodque praefatae ecclesiae in beneficio et animae suae remedio nobis faventibus conferre disposuerat. Tantis igitur votis et precibus favorem et gratiam exhibere nos condecet. Quantasi enim commissis ovibus debeamusj excubias, evangelicus sermo nos edocet dicens cui plus committitur plus
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 109 ]] 
ab eo exigetur.k Hoc igitur attendentes, tantae devotioni obviare vel contradicere salva ratione nec volumus nec debemus. Hac igitur dispensatione et ordinatione, rogatu et assensu domini Radulfil comitis, domini et abbatis utriusque ecclesiae, totum feudumf in eleemosynam dari libere permittimus, quatenus thesauro ecclesiae Sancti Quintini supradictam ecclesia tam pro concesso beneficio quam pro debito ipsius feudin obsequio duas cerae libras in festo martyriso annuatim persolvat. His retentis, videlicet sanguine violenter effuso etp latrone deprehenso. Et si aliquis praefatam ecclesiam super eleemosyna ista inquietaverit, causa in domo thesaurarii et in praesentia eius terminabitur. De caetero nostra authoritate pontificatus et thesaurariae, rogatu etiam et assensu consulis, ab omni inquietudine et debiti oppositione exceptis superius dictis in perpetuum absolvimus. Furnos itaque et redditus in eleemosyna perpetuo possidebit ecclesia. Ad terras autem si quis haeredum praefati militis redire voluerit post nonaginta novem annos remota omni oppositione LXX libras ecclesiae primum persolveret.q Eodem autem tempore, praefatus abbas humiliter expetiit quatenus concederemus ei aquam de Luvengiis pro censur XXX solidorum, XV in diebuss Paschae XV vero in festo Sancti Remigii persolvendis, quod nos libenter et devote concedimus atque in perpetuum corroboramus. Si quis ergo donationem manu thesaurarii factam et pontificali authoritate laudabiliter corroboratam abnegare vel labefactare praesumpserit, anathematis eum vinculis obligamus, eamque testium annotatione ac sigilli nostri impressione astipularit nonu absurdum censuimus, retentis in aqua quae in supradictis retenta sunt. Signum Simonis Noviomensis episcopi. Signum Hugonis cancellarii eius. Signum Hugonis abbatis Humolariensis. Signum Raineriv dapiferi. Signum Petri monachi Noviomensis. Signum Bosonisw subthesaurarii. Signum magistri Lamberti ostiarii. Signum Werricix praepositi. Signum Raineri fratris eius. Signum Roberti de Felcheriis.y Signum Simonis Noviomensisz praepositi. Signum Wilbertiaa capellani. Signum Rogonis de Faiet.bb Signum Simonis fratris eius.3 Signum Widonis de Moi.cc Actum anno ab incarnatione Domini MCXXXXIIII, indictione VII.



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49

Hugh [II], abbot of Homblières

Hugh [II], abbot of Homblières, asked episcopal confirmation of the tithe at Ablaincourt-Pressoir which Oda, wife of Robert of Roupy, gave to the church of Homblières for the salvation of her husband’s soul.1 Oda and her two very young sons, Gerard and John, confirmed this gift by placing branch and turf on the altar of the Virgin Mary and swearing not to reclaim it in the future. Alberic of Roye,2 from whom the tithe was held in fief, conceded the grant with the assent of his wife and sons in the presence of witnesses, among whom was Ralph, count [of Vermandois]. Simon, bishop of Noyon, approved and sealed this chirograph.3

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 75r-v, with the title “De decima Albincurtis.” C: H 588, pp. 65-66, with the same title as B.

Ind.: Matton, p. 95.

In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti. Rerum visibilium et invisibiliuma creator aeternus cuncta qui omnipotens sub sole condidit mortalitatis humanae usibus servire mandavit ut homo ad imaginem Dei conditus temporalis vitae subsidium habens e temporalibus ad aeterna tendat fiducialius quae onere carnis deposito postmodum est habiturus. Et quoniam se deliberasse creatorem summum in naturae primordio novimus conditionis nostrae, oportet ut legem teneamus;
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 111 ]] 
quapropter necesse est sic suum quod habet quisque esse cognoscat ut relinquendo posteris absque dubio sciat non imminutum sui neglectu ne culpam incurrat. Igitur ego Hugo Humolariensis ecclesiae minister indignus, cum fratrum nostrorum communi assensu, posterorum utilitati providentes necessarium, duximus scripto firmari atque sinuari authoritate pontificali decimam quamdam apud Albincurtem sitam quam domina Oda,b uxor Roberti de Rupeio, pro ipsius animae remedio huic ecclesiae contulit in beneficio obtulit. Itaque cum tali oblatione duos parvissimos filios sub regula beati Benedicti Christo militaturos, facta igitur solemni oblatione ramo et cespite super altare beatissimae virginis Mariae, mater cum filiis Gerardo videlicet et Ioanne firmaverunt, iureiurandoc nihil se ulterius reclamaturos in praedicta decima, cuius integre per totum pars nostra duas erigit parcellas ad plenum. Si quis ergod oblationem istam celebriter et laudabiliter actam vel abnegare, quod absit, vel labefactare praesumpserit, anathematis eum vinculise obligari, apicibusquef litterarum mandatum cum testium annotatione et sigilli Noviomensis praesulis impressione astipulari non absurdum censuimus. Signum domini Hugonis abbatis.g Signum Hilduinih praepositi. Signum Arnulfi.i Signum Hugonis. Signum Huberti. Signum Balduini. Signum Petri. Signum Gerardi. Signum Henrici puerorum. De laicis: Signum Odae matronae. Signum Gerardi. Signum Ioannis filiorum eius. Signum Philippi de Pontrusio. Signum Ioannis. Signum Gerberti filioli Amandi. Signum Alberti coci. Signum Walteri coci. Signum Clarembaldij fratris eius. Signum Anselli de Virgeio. Signum Radulfi militis de Sissigni. Hoc autem silentio non praetermittendumk quod dominus Albericus de Roia de cuius feodo ex parte uxoris suae supradicta decima descendebat, assensu eiusdem uxoris et filiorum coram testibus, praefatam decimam in perpetuum huic ecclesiae liberam concessit. Signum Radulfi comitis.l Signum Ingerannim Oisun.4 Signum Ioannis Bugri. Signum Simonis de Ribodimonte. Actum est anno ab incarnatione Domini MCXXXXIIII, indictione VII. Laudavi ego Simon Noviomensis episcopus istud chirographum atque sigilli nostri impressione corroboravi in perpetuum.



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50

Simon, bishop of Noyon

Simon, bishop of Noyon, confirms by this chirograph the grant by Oda of two parts of the tithe of Ablaincourt-Pressoir to Hugh [II], abbot of Homblières, for the soul of her husband Robert of Roupy. She made this gift by placing branch and turf on the altar of the Blessed Virgin Mary, and she and her sons Gerard and John swore never to reclaim it. They returned the tithe to Alberic [of Roye], from whom Oda held it as a fief, and he, with the assent of his wife and sons, placed it in the hands of Bishop Simon in the presence of Ralph, count of Vermandois, and his great men. Simon then transferred it by his episcopal authority to Homblières.2

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 76r-v, with the title “Domini Simonis episcopi de decima de Albincurte.” C: H 588, p. 66, with the same title as B.

Ind.: Matton, p. 95.

In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti. Rerum visibilium et invisibilium creator aeternus cuncta qui misericorditer sub solea condidit mortalitatis humanae usibus servire mandavit ut homo ad imaginem Dei conditus temporalis vitae subsidium habens e temporalibus ad aeterna tendat fiducialius quae onere carnis deposito postmodum est habiturus. Et quoniam sic deliberasse creatorem summum in naturae primordio novimus conditionis nostrae, oportet ut legem teneamus; quapropter necesse est sic suum quod habet quisque recognoscat ut relinquendum posteris absque dubio sciat non immunitumb sui neglectu ne culpam incurratc in Dei respectu. Igitur ego Simon, Noviomensis Dei gratiad episcopus, scire praesentes, scire volumus et
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 113 ]] 
futuros Hugonem dilectum nostrum Humolariensis ecclesiae abbatem nostram adiisse praesentiam atque multimodis nostram exorasse munificentiam quatenus decimam quamdam apud Albincurtem sitam quam domina Oda, uxor Roberti de Rupeio, pro ipsius animae remedio suae ecclesiae contulerat in beneficio, scripto firmari atque signari nostra authoritate pontificali consentiamus; factaquee solemni oblatione ramo et cespite super altare beatissimae virginis Mariae, mater cum filiis suisf Gerardo videlicet et Ioanne firmaverunt, iureiurando nihil se ulterius reclamaturos in praedicta decima, cuius integrae per totum pars Humolariensis duas erigit partes ad plenum. Si quis ergo oblationem istam celebriter et laudabiliter actam vel abnegare, quod absit, vel labefactare praesumpserit, anathematis eum vinculisg obligari, apicibusque litterarum mandatum cum testium annotatione et sigilli nostri impressione astipulari non absurdum censuimus. Hoc autem silentio non est praetermittendum quod praefata mulier cum filiis suis Gerardo videlicet et Ioanne, ut eorum oblatio ordine competentih fieret, supradictam decimam in manu Alberici domini sui a quo eam in feodum tenebat reddiderunt. Idem vero Albericus, assensu uxoris suae et filii sui,i eamdem decimam in manu nostra in praesentia domini Radulfij Viromanduorumk comitisl et optimatum eius simili modo reddidit quam et nos in praedicti comitisl conspectu et militum eius, authoritate pontificali praefatae ecclesiae reddidimus atque perpetuo possidendam huius scripti privilegio assignavimus. Signum Simonis episcopi. Signum Hugonis cancellarii. Signum domini Garinim abbatis Sancti Proiecti.n Signum Radulfi comitis.l Signum Ingeranni Oisun.o Signum Ioannis Bugri. Signum Simonis de Ribodimonte. Signum Philippi de Pontrusio. Signum Ioannis. Signum Gerberti filiorump Amandi.q Signum Alberti coci. Signum Clarembaldi. Signum Anselli de Virgiis. Actum annor ab incarnatione Domini MCXXXXIIII, indictione VII. Laudavi ego Simon Noviomensis episcopus istud chirographum atque sigilli mei impressione corroboravi in perpetuum.



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51

Hugh [II], abbot of Homblières

Hugh [II], abbot of Homblières, declares that a knight of Saint-Quentin, Walter Oson,2 gave to the church of Homblières a certain water in Brancourt-le-Grand which he held as a fief from his nephew Adam Palevir. Both uncle and nephew confirmed this transfer by placing branch and turf on the altar of Notre-Dame, and they renounced all future claims because Homblières had paid them 10 l.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 87, with the title “De aqua Walteri Osonis quae est apud Brancurtem” [corrected from Brandicurtem]. C: H 588, p. 72, with the same title as B, except that a later hand corrected “Brancurtem” to “Brocurtem.”

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, text, p. 160, “chartae Humolariens” (extracts). (b) Colliette, 2: 275-276, copy of a.

Trans.: Charles, 2:207 (fragment).

Ind.: Bréquigny, 3:88. Matton, p. 95.

In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti. Ex antiquis processit usibus affirmare scriptis et testibus illa videlicet quae singulis temporibus prima aetas suis tradit haeredibus, maxime vero bona sanctae matris ecclesiae posteroruma memoriae, ne malorum rapina succedentium aut haeredum invidia pessimorum quaeb devotio contulit perturbare praesumat sano iuris consilio commendat omnibus qui notum facimus tam posteris quam praesentibus. Ego Hugo ecclesiae Humolariensisc minister indignus cum filiis et fratribus. Quoniam quidam miles de Sancto Quintino, Walterus nomine Osonis cognomine, divina praeventus gratia contemptor praesentium in spe meliorum ob meritum futurorum offert domino praesentia ut aeterna recipiat, pro talique commercio praefatus miles huic ecclesiae contulit in beneficio aquam quamdam aquis nostrisd contiguam in loco qui Brancurtis dicitur, quam a quodam nepote suo Adam nomine, cognomine Palevir, in feodo tenebat. Uterque itaquee avunculus videlicet et nepos pari assensu parique consilio propriis manibus praedictam oblationem ramo et cespite posuerunt super altare beatissimae virginis Mariae, Domino voventes et iureiurando confirmantes nihil omnino ex die illof se reclamaturos, sed et hoc posteris notificaverunt quod aquam supradictam de manu eiusdemg foeneratorish redimerunt,i datis pro ea decem libris. Hoc autem quod de iure maioris ipsius atque per os largitoris agnovimus, et quod firmiter stare sibi vita concomite viriliter spondet posterisj notificare curavimus.k



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52

Gerard, lord of Ham

Gerard, lord of Ham and son of Odo,2 confirms to Notre-Dame of Homblières the tithe of Ablaincourt-Pressoir which Alberic of Roye held from him in fief and which Oda, wife of Robert of Roupy, held from Alberic. Oda and her sons gave it through the hands of Simon, bishop of Noyon, to Homblières for the salvation of her soul and the souls of her husband, her sons, and her relatives.3 Gerard approves and attaches his seal to the act. Gerard also concedes to Homblières the liberty of the curtis4 at Cugny.5

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 53, with the title “De libertate curtis nostrae apud Cauviniacum concessa a Gerardo domino Hamensi,” and on fol. 53v a reproduction of the figure of a knight in full armor on horseback from Gerard’s seal. C: H 588, p. 49, with the same title as B but without the reproduction of the seal.

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, text, p. 160, “chartae Humolariens.” (incomplete).

Trans.: Charles, 2:206-207 (fragment).

Ind.: Bréquigny, 3:88. Matton, p. 94.

In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti.a Noverint tam praesentes quam futuri quod ego Gerardus Hamensis dominus, filius Oddonisb Pedis Lupi, concessi ecclesiae Sanctae Mariae Humolariensic decimam de Albincurtd quam Albricus de Roia de feodo meo tenebat et de Albrico Odda,e uxor Roberti de Ruppi,f ipsa cum filiis suis eamg dante et concedente per manum domini Simonis Noviomensis episcopi praedictae ecclesiae ob remedium animae suae et mariti sui et filiorum et propinquorum suorum. Hanc donationem ego Gerardus laudantibus militibus et servientibus meis concessi, laudavi, sigilli mei impressione astipulavi.h Concessi etiam praefatae ecclesiaei libertatem in curia sua quae est apud Choeni etj in omnibus ecclesiae dominiisk ne unquam liceat mihi vel meis in his manum mittere quamdiu abbas vel monachi exhibere voluerint.j Signuml Hugonis abbatis. Signum Rainaldi abbatis de Hamo.m Signum Hilduinin praepositi. Signum Raineri camerarii. Signum Rogeri cancellarii, dispensatoris
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 116 ]] 
ipsius Gerardi et Hugonis Buscheti praepositi. Signum Herlini, Balduini filii sui. Signum Evrardi de Dulli, Walerti nepotis sui. Signumo Walteri Folleti.p Signum Roberti de Summeta.q Signum Albrici Rafi, fratris sui Petri. Signum Matthaei filii Herberti. Signum Robertir de Choeni. Signum Odonis Vetulis de Boeni. Signum Wibaldi de Duri iuratorum. Signum Rainoldi maioris de Choeni. Hugonis servientium Rainardi abbatis. Signum Hugonis Flamene. Signum Rotlanni, Evurini filii sui. Signum Roberti Venatoris.6 Actum apud Hamum,t anno Dominicae incarnationis MCXXXXV,u indictione VIII.v


53

Pope Eugenius III

Pope Eugenius III places Notre-Dame of Homblières under apostolic protection and confirms its possessions. The pope forbids the count of Vermandois, advocate of the monastery, to exact anything more than the ancient custom, that is, 30 s. annually for pasture rights, one wild boar, and one packhorse from the monastery, and military service by men from the villa of Homblières.

B: Lat. 13911, fols. 5r-6v, with the title “Privilegium Eugenii papae.” C: H 588, pp. 7-9, with the same title as B.


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Pub.: (a) Ramackers, pp. 132-135, no. 43, based on C.

Ind.: Jaffé-Wattenbach, no. 8779. Matton, p. 93. GC, 9:1077. Lohrmann, Papsturkunden, p. 122, no. 4.

Eugenius episcopus servus servorum Dei, dilectis filiis Hugoni abbati Humolariensis monasterii eiusquea fratribus tam praesentibus quam futuris regularem vitam professis in perpetuum. Quoniam sine verae cultu religionis nec charitatis unitas subsistere potestb nec Deo gratum exhiberi servitium, expedit apostolicae authoritati religiosas personas diligere et earum loca pia protectione munire. Eapropter, dilecti in Domino filii, vestris iustis postulationibus clementer annuimus et praefatum beatae Dei genitricis semperque virginis Mariae Humolariense monasterium, in quo divino mancipati estis obsequio, sub beati Petri et nostra protectione suscipimus et praesentis scripti privilegio communimus. Statuentes ut quascumque possessiones, quaecumque bona idem monasterium in praesentiarum iuste et canonice possidet aut in futurum concessione pontificum, liberalitate regum, largitione principum, oblatione fidelium, seu aliis iustis modis, Deo propitio, poterit adipisci, firma vobis vestrisque successoribus et illibata permaneant. In quibus haec propriis duximus exprimenda vocabulis, villam ipsam integre cum consuetudinibus et omnibus appenditiis suis. Maurincurtem cum mansis et consuetudinibus eorum, aquis et sedibus molendinorum, et cum duabus partibus decimae agrorum; aquam ibidem pro qua thesaurariae Sancti Quintini singulis annis solidos XXX persolvitis.2 Aquam quam de manu Gauterii cognomine Oison,c assensu dominorum suorum, in eleemosynam accepistis.3 Aquam quam de manu Alberti militis eiusdem villae sub annuo censu VI solidorum recepistis. Haudiacurtem cum mansis suis et eorum consuetudinibus et omnibus pertinentiis suis. Duos modios frumenti in Rumandicurte. Curcellas cum aquis et molendinis et caeteris suis pertinentiis. Fransniumd cum omnibus appenditiis suis. Altare de Landicurte.e Modicam decimam quae est in loco qui dicitur Rutus. In Brandicurte quartam partem allodiorum terrasque plurimas in eleemosynam ecclesiae datas, quas tenent a vobis conversi de Monte Sancti Martini, de ipsisf terris octavum vobisg manipulum solventes, et pro nemore quod ibidem habetis duos solidos.4 In Poncellis duos solidos. In Segundicurte mediam partem praediorum et duas partes decimae. In Haguncurte VI curtilia. In Fontanis sex curtilia, furnum unum, terras de feudo Brunelli et alias in eleemosynam datas. Abbatis villam cum terris et omnibus appenditiis suis.h In Marceio altare cum dote sua et terras eleemosynae. In Mahinpon terras
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cultas et incultas quas ibi habetis. In Bernoto tertiam partem praediorum in pratis, in terris cultis et incultis, in molendino, in nemoribus, duas partes totius decimae quam accepistis quadam commutatione aliorum redituum de manu clericorum de Guisia.i5 In Windicurtej XX solidos. Apud Lecherias terras in eleemosynam datas. Apud Tenollask sextam partem decimae. [Apud] Castelliacum prata, molendina, ecclesiam, terras, mansos cum consuetudinibus. Decimam quam apud Macerias habetis. In Seriaco sex solidos. In Mecunia tres solidos et agruml unum. In Monte Lauduni vineam unam. In Laavalle tres vineas quas ibidem emistis. In Monte Nantoliim vineam unam. In Belvario terras cultas et incultas. In Ursvillari altare cum dote sua; ibidem decimam culturarum quam in eleemosynam accepistis. Item ibi terram de Sorbeio quam de manu Brunelli et sororis uxoris suae assensu filiorum filiarumque et dominorum partim donatione, partim emptione accepistis. Lambais cum appenditiisn suis. Apud Sanctum Quintinum hospites et consuetudines eorum. Apud Faiet XX solidos et modicam decimam. Apud Lantiacum quinque mansos cum omnibus consuetudinibus eorum. In Pondrusioo mansum unum, VIII solidos solventem per annum. In Bovincurte IV curtilia et duos agros. In Perona dimidium furnum et IV solidos de manu clericorum sancti Fursei.p6 In Frisia aquam,q VIII mansos cum consuetudinibus eorum; ibidem pro commutatione eiusdem aquae centum anguillas et molere ad molendinum militis aquam tenentis, quantum curiae necesse fuerit sine multura in perpetuum.7 In Ruminiaco mansos V cum consuetudinibus eorum, terras ubi fuerunt vineae, III solidos de ministerio maioris. In Caciaco VIII mansos cum consuetudinibus eorum, unum molendinum, aquam et nemora. In Cauviniacor curiam cum omnibus appenditiis suis, mansos VIII cum consuetudinibus eorum, ecclesiam, furnum, hospites cum omnibus consuetudinibus eorum. In loco qui dicitur Albincurtis duas partes totius decimae quas uxor Roberti de Rupeio vestrae ecclesiae contulit in beneficio, assensu filiorum dominorumque suorum a quibus eas in feudo tenebat, et assensu Simonis Noviomensis episcopi.8 Apud Corbiniacum reditus quos ibi habetis. Apud Cauniacum terras quas in eleemosynam accepistis. Apud Gisneiam hoc quod Asselinus de Porta iure haereditario possedit.s9 Prohibemus autem ut Viromandensis comes, ipsius monasterii advocatus, nihil a fratribus ipsius loci vel eorum hominibus exigat, nec in bonis nec in possessionibus eorum exactionem faciat, sed his quae praedecessores sui et ipse ex antiqua consuetudine de ipso monasterio habuerunt contentus existat, videlicet singulis annis XXX solidos pro pastu, apro uno, somario uno;
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si extra provinciam exercitum duxerit homines villae iuxta antiquam consuetudinem, expeditionem ei tantum faciant, sed si abbati et fratribus rebellest extiterint, sicut consuetudo est, eos ad iustitiam coerceat.10 Decernimus ergo ut nulli omnino hominum liceat praefatum monasterium temere perturbare aut eius possessiones auferre vel ablatas retinere seu quibuslibet vexationibus fatigare, sed omnia integra conserventur eorum pro quorum gubernatione et sustentatione concessa sunt, usibus omnimodis profutura, salva sedis apostolicae authoritate et diocesani episcopi canonica iustitia. Si quau igitur in futurum ecclesiastica saecularisve persona huius nostrae constitutionis paginam sciens contra eam temere venire tentaverit, secundo tertiove commonita, si non reatum suum digna satisfactione correxerit, potestatis honorisque sui dignitate careat, reamquev se divino iudicio existere de perpetrata iniquitate cognoscatv et a sacratissimo corpore et sanguine Dei et domini redemptoris nostri Iesu Christi aliena fiat, atque in extremo examine districtae ultioni subiaceat. Cunctis autem eidem loco iusta servantibus sit pax domini nostri Iesu Christi quatenus et hicw fructum bonae actionis percipiant et apud districtum iudicem praemia aeternae pacis inveniant. Amen. Amen. Amen. Ego Eugenius catholicae ecclesiae episcopus. Inx ora sigilli fiat mecum Domini signum in bonum.x [monogramma]y Ego Conradus Sabinensisz episcopus. Egoaa Theodewinus Sanctae Rufinae episcopus. Ego Gregorius presbyter cardinalis tituli Calixti. Guido presbyter cardinalis tituli Sancti Chrysogoni.bb Thomas presbyter cardinalis tituli Vestinae. Guido presbyter cardinalis tituli Sancti Laurentii incc Damaso. Nicolaus presbyter cardinalis tituli Sancti Cyriaci. Presbyter Hugo tituli in Lucina. Iulius presbyter cardinalis tituli Sancti Marcelli. Villanus presbyter cardinalis tituli Sancti Stephani in Caelio Monte. Gregorius diaconus cardinalisdd Sanctorum Sergii et Bacchi. Oddoee diaconus cardinalis Sancti Georgiiff ad velum aureum. Guido diaconus cardinalis Sanctorum Cosmae et Damiani. Octavianus diaconus cardinalis Sancti Nicolai in carcere Tulliano. Petrus diaconus cardinalis Sanctae Mariae in Porticu. Rodolphus diaconus cardinalis Sanctae Luciae in Septasolis. Gregorius diaconus cardinalis Sancti Angeli. Ioannes diaconus cardinalis Sancti Adriani.gg Datum Viterbiihh per manum Roberti sanctae Romanae ecclesiae presbiteri cardinalis et cancellarii, indictioneii VIII, incarnationis Dominicae anno MCXLV, pontificatus vero domini Eugenii III papae anno primo.



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54

Ralph, count of Vermandois

Ralph, count of Vermandois, announces the resolution of a conflict between the abbot of Homblières, which was under the count’s protection, and Hugh the Captive of Vendeuil, who seized the rural settlement of Lambay. Hugh relinquished the advocacy of Lambay in return for 10 l., with the consent and counsel of Count Ralph, of Hugh’s wife and all his brothers,2 and of Clarembald of Vendeuil3 from whom he held the fief. Hugh corroborated that transfer solemnly before the altar of the Blessed Virgin Mary and Saint Hunegund with his own hands and swore never to claim anything further from Lambay.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 46r-v, with the title “Radulfi comitis de advocatione non habenda apud Lambaidem.” C: H 588, pp. 42-43, with the same title as B.

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, regestum, pp. 40-41, “e chartulario eodem Humolar.” (b) Colliette, 2:278-279, copy of a.

Ind.: Bréquigny, 3:113. Matton, p. 94.

In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti.a Legisb divinae scriptis paene omnibus commonemur quareb observare diligentius et intendere his quae scripta sunt, convenit eos praecipue qui in ordine sacerdotali sive militari de gubernatione aliorum gloriantur ut sciant quid eis lex divina praecipit observandum. Mandata quidem certa sunt et evidentia ut observare debeamus custodias tabernaculi et altaris et sacerdotii, his enim usic sint privilegiid progenitores nostri ut non solum bona sanctae matris ecclesiae ad pacem militantium Christo
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protegerent gladio, sed etiam sua liberalitate multa conferendo, multiplicarent ac multiplicata conservarent.e His ergo atque aliis sufficienter edoctus exemplis, ego Radulfus,f Dei gratia Viromandensisg comes, controversiam quae erat inter abbatem Humolariensis monasterii, quod divina dispositio sub nostra protectione modico tempore ordinavit, et Hugonem Captivum de Vendolio super advocatione cuiusdam mansionis quod Lambaih dicitur, quia praefatus miles ut sua faciebat, pro qua etiam iam dictae ecclesiae multa damna contulerat, reclamante abbate ac conquerente super tali iniuria optimatum nostrorum consilio pioquei suffragio in pacem misimusj perpetuam. Noscat igitur tam praesentium quam posterorum prudens memoria quatenus supradictusk Hugo Captivus, acceptis de thesauro memoratae ecclesiae decem libris, ipsam advocationem liberam atque ab omni debito absolutam eidem ecclesiae perpetua donatione concessit. Assensu igitur et consilio nostro, assensu etiam et consilio omnium fratrum suorum et uxoris suae, et assensu Clarembaldi de Vendolio de cuius feodo ipsam tenebat, facta est solemniter coram optimatibus nostris ista donatio. Facta est etiam supra altare beatae Mariae virginis sanctaeque Hunegundis per manum eiusdem Hugonis iuramentoque ipsius est corroborata; iuravitl namque nihil ulterius sem reclamaturum nec per se nec per alium in omnibus quae pertinent ad Lambai,h neque in terris, neque in nemore, neque etiam in mansionibus.n Si quis igitur istam donationem celebriter actam sigillique nostri impressione corroboratam abnegare, quod absit, vel labefactare praesumpserit, iram superni iudicis et nostram successorumque nostrorum incurrato et centum libras auri regio thesaurop persolvat.q Signum Radulfir comitis. Signums Hugonis abbatis.4 Signum Garini abbatis Sancti Proiecti.4 Signum Albrici de Roia. Signum Oilardit5 maioris et Anselli filii eius. Signum Petri praepositi. Signum Widonis de Clastris. Signum Widonis de Moy. Signum filii eius. Hi etiam testes sunt quare Clarembaldus concessit: Signum Saraceni fratris praedicti Hugonis. Signum Naterii. Signum Hilduini praepositi. Actum anno incarnati verbi MCXLVI,u indictione III. Ego Robertus cancellarius subscripsi.v



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55

Simon, bishop of Noyon

Simon, bishop of Noyon, concedes to Abbot Hugh [II] and Homblières the altar of Rouvroy which Master John, canon of Saint-Quentin, holds for his lifetime. The bishop retains only the episcopal and synodal right.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 36r-v, with the title “Simonis episcopi de altari in Ruvereio.” C: H 588, pp. 34-35, with the same title as B.

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, regestum, p. 43, “chartae eorumdem.” (b) Colliette, 2:279, copy of a.

Ind.: Bréquigny, 3:113. Matton, p. 94.

In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti.a Docente ac suggerente Spiritu sancto, didicimus fratribus Deob militantibus opem miserationis afferri debere, eisque potissimum quos mundi flore calcatoc divinae contemplationi videmus ardentius inhaerere. Qui enim optimam partem elegere,d optima merentur ab optimis impetrare. Eapropter ego Simon, Dei gratia Noviomensis episcopus, praesentes scire volumus et futuros venerabilem Humolariensis ecclesiae abbatem Hugonem, bonae opinionis ac religionis virum, cum eiusdem loci fratribus nos humiliter adiisse atque multimodise exorasse quatenus altare de Ruvereiof quod tenet magister Ioannes, canonicus Sancti Quintini,
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in vita sua ipso humiliter exorante, ob remediumg animarum antecessorum nostrorum suae ecclesiae perpetua donatione concederemus, tantisque votis et precibus satisfacere necessarium duximus. Itaque, charissime fili Hugo, plenam rationis petitionem attendentes praesertim quod hoch tempore in tuo monasterio ordo monasticus floret, condescendere petitioni tuae charitate devicti attrahimur, tibique ac successoribus tuisi in perpetuum salvo pontificali etj synodali iure altare postulatum benignek concedimus. Si quis igitur istam donationem celebriter atque laudabiliter actam vel abnegare, quod absit, vel labefactare praesumpserit, anathematis vinculis eum obligamus, apicibusque litterarum mandatal cum testium annotatione sigillique nostri impressione astipulari non absurdum censuimus. Signum Simonis episcopi. Signum Balduini decani Noviomensis ecclesiae. Signum Gaurini abbatis Sancti Proiecti. Signum Godescalci abbatis de Monte Sancti Martini. Actum anno verbi incarnationis MCXLVI, indictione III. Ego Hugo cancellarius subscripsi atque recensui.


56

Nicholas, bishop of Cambrai

Nicholas, bishop of Cambrai, settled a dispute between Homblières and Walter Peluchel and his son Nicholas [of Avesnes]2 over the allod of Doignies. For that allod Walter will pay the monastery each year between Christmas and Epiphany a census of 20 s. which will come from the transit tax that his collector takes at Landrecies or, if that source is not adequate, from revenues of his mill and castle. If he does not pay, the bishop will excommunicate him and place his land under interdict until he does so.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 77r-v, with the title “Nicolai episcopi Cameracensis viginti solidis persolvendis ecclesiae Humoliarensi a domino de Aveniis.” C: H 588, p. 67, with the same title as B except for “Humolariensi.”

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, text, pp. 160-161, incomplete. (b) Colliette, 2:277-278, copy of a.

Trans.: Charles, 2:207-208.

Ind.: Bréquigny, 3:113. Matton, p. 95.


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In nomine Domini. Nicolaus, Dei gratia Cameracensis episcopus, tam futuris quam praesentibus in perpetuum.a Ut Deo et hominibus placentes bonumb mundi sacrificii odorem solertiusc offeramus, expedit ut nullius contra iustitiam agentesd personame acceptantes ad ecclesiasticas impugnationes expugnandas scuto bonae voluntatis gladio spiritualif accingamur adg haec, qui a pueritiah edoctig pastorali armatura subnixi, controversiam quami inter dominum Walterumj Peluchel, quoad vixit, et Nicolaum filium suum, eius successorem, et ecclesiam beatae Hunegundis de Humbleriis super alodio de Diegniis usque ad haeck tempora nostra interminata constiterat, consilio religiosarum personarum pace abbatis Hugonis et capituli Humbleriensis, eo tenore terminavimus: ut praefatus Nicolaus et successores sui praefatael ecclesiae Humbleriensi infra Nativitatis Dominicae et Theophaniae dies singulis annism per vienatorem suum, qui successu temporum vienatiumn de Landreciis collegerit, viginti solidos monetae illius terrae pro censu irrefragabiliter persolvat. Quod si vienatiumn et vienatores defecerint ex fructibus molendini et castelli censum eumdem ecclesiae solvi facient. Si autem in tempore Nicolai qui in praesenti censualis possessoro est, vel in tempore cuiuslibet successoris sui praeordinatus census defecerit, eum in cuius tempore, quod Deus avertat, deficiet nos et successores nostri inp cuiuslibet tempore contigeritp excommunicabimus et terram suam, quoad praedictae reconciliatus fuerit, ecclesiae imbanniemus. Huius terminationis testes sunt: venerabiles fratres nostri Guidricus Letiensis,q Mainardus Altimontensis, Radulfus Maroliensis,r Balduinus Sancti Ioannis, Nicolaus Sancti Foillani abbates. Nos vero ecclesiae commoditati in posterum providentes in praevaricatores donec resipuerint excommunicationis sententiam proferimus et canonica subsignatione, et sigilli nostri appositione huius nostri decreti paginam confirmavimus. Signum Theodericis praepositi et archidiaconi. Signum Ioannis, Alardi archidiaconorum. Signum Gerardi decanit et archidiaconi.u Signum Guerimboldi, Gerardiv sacerdotum. Signum Guilliermi,w Radulfi, Obrici, Gualterix levitarum.y Signumz Albrici, Eustachii, Gualteri, Ioannis, Anselli,aa Matthaei sublevitarum. Actum anno incarnationi verbibb MCXLVI, indictione III,cc praesulatus domini Nicolai X. Ego Guerimboldus cancellariusdd scripsi et recensui.



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57

Bartholomew, bishop of Laon

Bartholomew, bishop of Laon, confirms that half of the tithe belonging to the altar of Saint-Remy at Mézières-sur-Oise had long belonged to the church of Homblières, and that Homblières purchased the other half from Robert of Mézières and his brother John, with the consent of their wives and children. Scot and his wife, Escheline, from whom the brothers held the tithe in fief, approved. The bishop further concedes two modiatae of land at Châtillon-sur-Oise which Escheline’s father gave to Homblières with the assent of his brothers and nephews. Also, Homblières purchased whatever William of Sissy had by hereditary right at Châtillon-sur-Oise.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 52r-v, with the title “Bartholomei Laudunensis episcopi de decima apud Macerias.” C: H 588, p. 48, with the same title as B. D: Claude l’Eleu, Grand-archidiacre de Thiérache, “Histoire de la ville de Laon,” 1:386, copy of the 18th c. in the L’Eleu de la Simone family (manuscript not seen).

Ind.: Florival, p. 393 (indicates D). Matton, p. 94.

In nomine Sanctae et individuae Trinitatis. Ego Bartholomeus, Dei gratia Laudunensium episcopus, notum facio tam praesentibus quam futuris quod ecclesiae Humolariensi medietatem decimae casae altaris Sancti Remigii apud Macerias, quam longa temporum quiete possederat, et alterius partis medietatem quam Robertus de Maceriis et Ioannes frater eius per pecuniam in eleemosynam eidem ecclesiae per manum nostram reddiderunt, pontificali authoritate in perpetuum concessimus. Hoc concesserunt eorum uxores Odila et Teredza et filii et filiae. Hoc etiam concessit Scotus et uxor eius Eschelina de cuius feodo praedicti fratrisa decimam tenebant. Concessimus etiam eidem duas modiatas terrae apud Castellulumb quas dedit Robertus filius patri Esch[el]inae assensu fratrum et nepotum suorum. Emit etiam eadem ecclesia apud praedictum Castellulumc a Willelmod de Sisiaco et uxore eius et filiis et filiabus quidquid ibi iure haereditario
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possidebant et clamant, et in eleemosiname ecclesia haec recepit. Ut autem hoc ratum et immutabile permaneat sigilli nostri impressione et testium subscriptione muniri praecipimus.f Testes donationis decimae sunt: Fulbertus presbyter, Wido de Moy, Simon de Ribodimonte, Hugo de Maceriis, Alardus et fratres sui. Testes eleemosinae Roberti: Philippus,1 Simon de Ribodimonte, Oddo, Warchainus, Henricus Malus Clericus. Testes venditionis: Willimi de Sisiaco,g Simon de Ribodimonte, Clarembaldus, Stephanus de Sisiacho. Aubertush cocusi de Humolariis, Ioannes et Gerbertus filii Otimundi. Actum Lauduni anno incarnati verbi MCXLVI. Ego Angotus cancellarius relegi.


58

The church of Prémontré

The church of Prémontré receives from the church of Homblières the land of Lehéricourt, cultivated and uncultivated, with water, woods, meadow, and site of a mill, in return for an annual census of ten modii of grain, measure of Saint-Quentin.1 The monks of Prémontré will notify Homblières to send its agent to measure the grain for payment between the feast of Saint Remi [1 October] and the feast of Saint Martin [11 November]. The agreement is confirmed by the assent of each chapter and the seal of each church.2

A: Aisne, A.D., H 791, no. 1. Chirograph, pendant seal lost. B: Lat. 13911, fol. 56r-v, with the title “De decem modiis frumenti a fratribus Praemonstratae ecclesiae quot annis persolvendis pro terra de firmitate.” C: H 588, pp. 51-52, with the same title as B, except “ecclesiae Praemonstratae.”

Ind.: Matton, pp. 94, 116.

In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis. Notum sit omnibus quod aecclesiaa Praemonstrata censualiter accepit ab aecclesia Humolariensi terram de Lehericurt cultam et incultam, in aquis, silvis,b pratis, et sedem molendini in omnibus usibus in quibus melius ad suum commodum coli poterit. Census autem talis est: decem modii ad modium Sancti Quintini octo sextarios continentem. Quod si forte mensurac creverit, aecclesia Praemonstrata nuntiabitd aecclesiae Humolariensi. Si vero decreverit, Humolariensis nuntiabit Praemonstratae
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et mensura in id ipsum quod fuerat reformabitur.e Persolvetur autem a festo Sancti Remigii usque ad festum Sancti Martini, et quando recipiendum erit, fratres Praemonstratae aecclesiae nuntiabunt Humolariensi aecclesiae ut mittat nuntiosf suos ad mensurandum.g Quod si infra quindecim dies non venerinth et postea communi dampno,i ut est incendium vel rapina perierit, eisj non restaurabitur. De frumento novem modii erunt et unus modius avenae qui sedecimk sextariis mensurabitur, et frumentum de eadem terra persolvetur de meliori post sementem. Quod si alibi accipiatur consimile ipsorum monachorum arbitrio persolvetur,l aut adm Castellulumn aut ad Morocurto eisp deducetur a fratribus Praemonstratae aecclesiae. Quod si de hiisq aliqua querimonia under placitari oporteat emerserit et aecclesia Praemonstrata per se terminare nequiverit, abbas Humolariensis per se et per suos in querenda iusticia Praemonstratam aecclesiam iuvabit quantum poterit sine sacramento et rerum suarum dispendio. Quod ut ratum permaneat assensu utriusque capituli sigillis utriusque aecclesiae confirmatum est. Signums Hugonis abbatis Humolariensis. Signum Rainardi prioris. Signum Hilduini praepositi. Signum Arnulfi thesaurarii. Signum Humberti diaconi. Signum Rogeri subdiaconi. Actum anno verbi incarnatit MCXLVI.


59

Pope Eugenius III

Pope Eugenius III places the monastery of Homblières under apostolic protection and confirms these possessions: the altar of Rouvroy conceded by Simon, bishop of Noyon (act no. 55); the advocacy received from Hugh the Captive [of Vendeuil] (act no. 54); the agreement concerning the tithe of Marcy made between Homblières and Philip, his wife, and sons, with the assent of Burchard [of Guise] and his brother Geoffrey; and the agreement
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which Homblières made with Eselin concerning the entire benefice which he held at Morcourt from the church of Homblières. The monks are exempt from the tithe on anything produced by their own labor or required for feeding their animals.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 7r-v, with the title “Privilegium Eugenii de confirmatione reditum eiusdem ecclesiae.” C: H 588, pp. 10-11, with the same title as B.

Pub.: (a) Ramackers, pp. 149-150, no. 50, based on C.

Ind.: Matton, p. 93. Jaffé-Wattenbach, no. 9047. GC, 9:1077. Lohrmann, Papsturkunden, p. 122, no. 5.

Eugenius episcopus servus servorum Dei, dilectis filiis Hugoni Humolariensi abbati eiusque fratribus tam praesentibus quam futuris regularem vitam professis in perpetuum. Religiosis desideriis dignum est facilem praebere consensum ut fidelis devotio celerem sortiatur effectum. Quocirca dilecti in Domino filii, vestris iustis postulationibus clementer annuimus et praefatum locum, in quo divinoa mancipati estis obsequio, sub beati Petri et nostra protectione suscipimusb et praesentis scripti privilegio communimus. Statuentes ut quascumque possessiones, quaecumque bona in praesentiarum iuste et canonice possidetis aut in futurum concessione pontificum, largitione regum vel principum, oblatione fidelium seu aliis iustis modis Deo propitio poteritis adipisci, firma vobis vestrisque successoribusc et illibata permaneant. In quibus haec propriis duximus exprimenda vocabulis: Altare de Runereo a dilecto nostro filiod Simone Noviomensi episcopo vobis canonice concessum est; et advocationem quam ab Hugone Captivo et fratribus eius, assensu Clarenbaldi de Vendoleo, in beneficium suscepistis; et conventionem super decima de Marceio factam inter vos et Philippum, uxorem et filios eius, assensu Burchardi et Godefridie fratris eius, annuente Simone Noviomensi episcopo; et quem fecistis cum Eselino super toto beneficio quod in Maricurti ab ecclesia vestra tenebat, sicut rationabiliter facta sunt, nos authoritate apostolica confirmamus. Sane laborum vestrorum, quos propriis manibus aut sumptibus colitis, seu de nutrimentisf vestrorum animalium nullus a vobis decimas exigere praesumat. Decernimus ergo ut nulli omnino hominum liceat praefatum locum temere perturbare aut eius possessiones auferre vel ablatas retinere, minuere, aut aliquibus vexationibus fatigare, sed omnia integre conserventur eorum, pro quorum gubernatione vel sustentatione concessa sunt, usibus omnibus profutura, salva sedis apostolicae authoritate et diocesani episcopi canonica iustitia. Si qua igitur in futurum ecclesiastica saecularisve persona hanc nostrae constitutionis paginam sciens contra eam venire temere
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tentaverit, secundo tertiove commonita, si non satisfactione congrua emendaverit, potestatis honorisque sui dignitate careat reamque se divino iudicio existere de perpetrata iniquitate cognoscat et a sacratissimo corpore ac sanguine Dominig nostri Iesu Christih quatenus hic fructum bonae actionisi percipiant et apud districtum iudicem praemia aeternae pacis inveniant. Amen, Amen, Amen. Ego Eugenius episcopus catholicae ecclesiae ss. [monogramma] Ego Albericus Ostiensis episcopus ss. Ego Ymarus Tusculanus episcopus ss.j Ego Guido presbyter cardinalis Sancti Chrysogonik ss. Ego Odol diaconus cardinalis Sancti Georgii ad velum aureum ss. Datum Parisiis per manum Hugonis presbyteri cardinalis agentis vicem domini Guidonis sanctae Romanae ecclesiae diaconi cardinalis et cancellarii, II idus maii, indictione X, incarnationis Dominicae [anno] MCXLVII, pontificatus vero domini Eugenii papae III anno tertio.


60

Chirograph the monastery of Saint-Prix

In a chirograph the monastery of Saint-Prix gives the altar of Morcourt to the monastery of Homblières in return for an annual census of ten modii of wheat. Homblières will choose the priest of that church and will have the oblation commonly called obliae. Because Homblières was weighed down by census payments, it assigned Saint-Prix twelve modii from several of its tithe revenues in lieu of the census.2

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 49r-v, with the title “De decem modiis frumenti et aliis consuetudinibus persolvendis ecclesiae Beati Praiecti pro altari de Morocurt.” C: H 588, pp. 45-46, with the same title as B except for “Morcourt.”

Ind.: Matton, p. 94.

In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti. Generatio advenit et generatio praeterit, cunctisque ad casum tendentibus gesta praesentium quae posteris memoranda praevidentura scriptis mandantur. Quocirca et nos tempori servientes scire volumus et praesentes et futuros Humolariensem ecclesiam a Beati Proiecti ecclesia altare de Morocurtb censualiter accepisse,c tali quidem conditione ut quot annis
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decem modios frumenti mensura illi persolvat et sic deinceps ipsum in omni fructu usuario libere possideat. Retenta tamen in manu praefatae ecclesiae sola presbyterii donatione, tali videlicet tenore ut quemcumque presbyterum Humolariensis ecclesia elegerit illi ab abbate Sancti Proiectid sine contradictione donetur et praefato abbati omnino de episcopalibuse responsuro oblatae, quae vulgo dicuntur obliae, ab eodem sacerdote. Sed quia praefata ecclesia sub nimietate census gravari videbatur, supradictus abbas rogatu fratrum suorum aliquantisper indulsit in hoc scilicet ut campellos duos de dote altaris Dessigny,f quorum alter situs est sub molendino de Curcellis, alter in cultura sub Quercu, quos monachi inter se cambierant, liberos ab omni decima sicut ipse diu possederat possidendos concessit. Addimus item his quod eadem ecclesia ab illa quidquid decimae infra territorium Marchei vel Abbatisvillaeg continetur pertinens ad dotem altaris Fontissummae pro dimidio modio frumenti, et iterum quidquid a Varmarifonte usque ad praefatas curias ad communem decimam eiusdem altaris pertinens, et insuper decimam campelli qui dicitur Hisaperes pro modio frumenti censualiter accepit, pactione huiuscemodi: quatenus his qui secum in eadem decima participant, alias restituat; qui modii in summa sunt XII, de quibus ne inter ecclesias in futurum in compartiendah vel coagitanda mensura aliqua contentio suboriatur provisum est ut omnis ad rasuram, quod vulgo fust a fust dicitur, mensuratur, quibus et dimidius modius addatur. Distinctum est etiam quod si forte post haec illa communis mensura creverit, Humolariensis ecclesia reclamabit, vel si decreverit, alia reclamabit; et pro altera reclamante praefata mensura in pristinum reformabitur et census ad abbatiam reducetur. Quae ut rata maneant testium astipulatione et chirographi incisione et sigillorum impressione et anathematis districtione confirmamus. Signum Garini abbatis. Signum Hugonis abbatis. Signum Deodati prioris. Signum Richardi praepositi. Signum Hilduini praepositi. Signum Balduini. Signum Arnulfi. Signum Rogeri cellarii. Signum Bonardii cellarii. Actum temporibus Garini abbatis [et] Hugonis secundi, anno incarnationis Dominicae MCXLVII, anno videlicet peregrinationis Francorum, indictione X, epacta XXVIII, concurrente II.



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61

Bartholomew, bishop of Laon

Bartholomew, bishop of Laon, confirms gifts of vineyards to Saint-Sauveur of Anchin. Included are several properties at Urcel1 that were later purchased by Homblières:2 the manse of Matilda, mother of Theodoric, cleric of Urcel, given when she became a lay convert at Anchin; three parts of the vineyard given by Theodoric of Urcel; and all the land of Ohalt, who likewise became a lay convert. The grants were approved by the children, relatives, and friends of the donors.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 43r-v, with the title “Charta vinearum de Ursel a fratribus Aquincenti nobis concessa.” C: H 588, pp. 39-40, with the same title as B.

Ind.: Matton, p. 94.

In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis. Ego Bartholomeusa Dei miseratione sanctae Laudunensis ecclesiae humilis minister. Quem in domo summi patrisfamilias nos licet indignos gratia divina constituit circa omnia quae ad utilitatem et consolationes ecclesiarum pertinere videntur vigilanti cura nos esse sollicitos officium nostrum requirit, non solum enim iura et possessiones earum quae ab antiquo constitutae sunt in statu et tenore pristino conservare, verum etiam quae ex fidelium devotione eis collata sit auctoritateb imaginis nostrae et litterarum nostrarum munimine confirmare debemus. Quapropter notum sit omnibus tam futuris quam praesentibus quod cum Matildis,c materd Theodorici clerici de Ursel, in ecclesia Sancti Salvatoris de Aquincento se conversam reddidisset, assensu filiorum et filiarum suarum caeterorumque parentum et amicorum suorum, totum mansum suum praefatae ecclesiae in eleemosynam donavit. Praeterea Theodoricus de Ursel, consul, redditus in eadem ecclesia tres partes vineae ei assignavit assensu uxoris suae Heszelinae et filiorum ac filiarum suarum caeterorumque amicorum suorum. Similiter Ohalt, facta conversa, totam terram quam habebat assensu filiorum suorum, Hugonis scilicete et Ernaldi, ac parentum suorum eidem ecclesiae donavit. Henricus quoque de Berten eidem ecclesiae vineam suam quae est in Bilgi in eleemosynam donavit concessione liberorum suorum et aliorum amicorum suorum. Burdinus etiam de Monantilio et Oddo, gener suus, eidem ecclesiae dederunt vineam unam quae est in Rosaria assensu filiorum et filiarum suarum et amicorum suorum. Ad haec Nautherus eidem ecclesiae donavit duas partes vineae in Nalgi, concedente uxore sua Bertha, concedentibus etiam caeteris amicis et cognatis suis. Robertus quoque Parvus dedit eidem ecclesiae vineam unam quae est in Nalgi, assensu Hermundi patris sui et fratrum suorum et caeterorum parentum suorum. Praeterea Amisardus
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ex dono suo contulit eidem ecclesiae vineam unam annuente Bertha matre sua et caeteris parentibus et amicis suis. Buda quoque, uxor Mauritii, dedit vineam suam praefatae ecclesiae assensu liberorum suorum et caeterorum parentum suorum. Giroldus de Monticello et Legardis de Ursel dederunt duas partes vineae quae sunt in Bilgi assensu liberorumf suorum et caeterorum parentum suorum. Non solum vero haec supradicta memoratae ecclesiae confirmavimus, sed insuper omnia quaecumque deinceps in diocesi nostra rationabiliter adquirere poterit concedimus et nostro munimine ei corroboramus.g Signum Galteri abbatis Sancti Martini. Signum Hugonis abbatis Humolariensis. Signum Gilberti de Sancto Martino. Signum Theodorici clerici de Ursel. Signum Rudulfi de Capiniaco. Signum Anselmi de Ato. Signum Radulfi maioris. Signum Ermenoldi Carpentarii. Signum Burdini de Monantilio et Adronis generi sui. Si quis igitur ecclesiastica saecularisve persona hanc nostrae institutionis paginam infringere aut mutare praesumpserit, anathematis sententiae subiaceat. Actum Lauduno anno incarnationis Domini MCXLIX. Ego Angotus cancellarius relegi.


62

Hugh [I], abbot of Homblières

Hugh [I],2 abbot of Homblières, concedes to the nuns of Montreuil[-les-Dames] in Thiérache the small tithe of horses and cattle in Pisieux, a place belonging to the altar of the church in the villa of Urvillers, for one pound of wax annually.3 This concession was requested by Bernard, abbot of Clairvaux.

A:4 B.N., lat. 17141, Chartes de Picardie, no. 1, bottom half of chirograph; no sign of a seal. B: Lat. 13911, fol. 88, without a title. C: H 588, p. 72. Wyard, p. 34, copy of a.

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, text, pp. 152-153, from a “charta.” (b) Colliette, 2:272, copy of a.

Trans.: Charles, 2:192-193.

Ind.: Bréquigny, 3:39. Matton, p. 95.


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Ego Hugo, Dei gratia abbas et humilis minister ecclesie Humolariensis, notum volo fieria presentibus et futuris quod quedam Dei famule sacre religionis habitub insignite, commanentes in Terasciac loco qui dicitur Monasteriolum, nostram expetieruntd presentiam, obsecrantes ut minutam decimam bestiarum et pecorume que haberent in loco qui dicitur Puteolis pertinensf ad altare ecclesieg ville que dicitur Ursvillareh concederemus et remitteremus eis proi amore Dei. Ipse autem persolverent quot annis ecclesie nostre unam libram cere utj hec concessio rata foret.j Quod etk promiseruntl sua sponte, non nostra exactione. Nosm autem inito proinde consilio quod petebant eis benigne concessimus, amore Dei et precatu venerabilis abbatis Clarevallisn dominio scilicet Bernardi.


63

Hugh [I], abbot of Prémontré

Hugh [I], abbot of Prémontré, declares in this chirograph that the monks of Notre-Dame of Ham, of Notre-Dame of Homblières, and of Notre-Dame of Villeselve, and a certain Walter of Trosly-Loire had lands adjacent to Prémontré’s curia of Bonneuil. By common consent, in order to avoid future dissension and litigation among themselves, Prémontré acquired those adjacent lands in exchange for other lands which it possessed.2 However, if any layman challenges these exchanges, all the lands will be returned to the original possessor.

B: Soissons, B.M., MS 7, Cartulaire de Prémontré, fol. 98r, copy of ca. 1275. C:3 Lat. 13911, fol. 81, with the title “De mutatione quarundam terrarum quas abbatia Praemonstratae ecclesiae mutuavit [cum] aliis abbatis scilicet Hamensis, Humbleriis, [et] monachis de Villa Sylva.” D:3 H 588, p. 69, with the same title as C.


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Pub.: (a) Ponthieux, pp. 282-283, no. 5 (brief extract from D).

Ind.: Matton, p. 95.

In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis. Ego Hugo, Dei patientia Praemonstratae ecclesiae abbas vocatus,a eiusdemque loci fratrum conventus omnibus tam futuris quam praesentibus notum fieri volumus quamb fratres Sanctaec Mariae Hamensis et monachic Sanctaed Mariae de Humbleriis ete monachi Sanctae Mariaef de Vileselvag et quidam Galterus de Troslih quasdam terras nostris terris interiacentesi et admixtas et curiae nostrae Bonoliij propinquas habebant.k Nos vero communi assensu taml nostro quam praedictarum ecclesiarum quam etiamm Galteri ut dissentiones etn litigationes in futuro inter nos evitaremus,o terras praedictas hoc modo acquisivimusp quod quasdam alias terrasq singulariter nostras propriasr pro acquisitis ecclesiis praedictis obtinere, possidere in perpetuum concessimus. Huiusmodi autem conventio inter nos et praedictas ecclesiass instituta est ut si forte ex viris saecularibus de praedictis terris calumniat exortau fuerit ad hoc ut terra in pace teneri non potuerit, nos illis et ipsi nobis invicem restaurabimus. Hoc igiturv ut ratum et inconvulsum habeatur tam nostrae ecclesiae quam praedictarum ecclesiarum sigillorum impressione et cyrographorumw distributione communi assensu ete auctoritatex in posterum volumus confirmari et confirmando corroborari. Signum Hugonis Praemonstratae ecclesiae abbatis. Signum Radulfi prioris eius. Signum totiusy capituli. Signum Renoldiz Hamensisaa abbatis. Signum Odonisbb prioris eius. Signum totiusy capituli. Signum Hugonis abbatis de Humbleriis.cc Signum prioris eius.dd Signum tocius capituli.ee Signum Macharii. Signum Theobaldi. Signum Alexis.ff Signum Guillelmi prioris Sanctae Mariaegg de Vileselva.hh



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64

Ralph, count of Vermandois

Ralph, count of Vermandois, confirms to the church of Homblières the fief consisting of two ovens in Rouvroy and Harly and arable land in Rouvroy that the knight Oliver had held from the treasurer of Saint-Quentin and gave to Homblières. Ralph previously confirmed this transfer at the request of Simon, bishop of Noyon,2 and now reconfirms it at the request of Hugh [II], abbot of Homblières, because the monastery holds that property from [the new treasurer] Robert.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 84, with the title “De feodo Oliveri in Ruvereo et Harleio sito.” C: H 588, p. 70, with the same title as B, except for “Ruvereio.”

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, regestum, p. 40, “e schedis eorumdem.” (b) Colliette, 2:277, copy of a.

Ind.: Matton, p. 95.

In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti.a Quoniam repetitio rei confirmatio est, non importunum sed potiusb opportunum debet esse praesentibus et futuris fidelibus sanctaec bona ecclesiae iterando confirmare, quoniam si in transactis temporibus malitia apparuit,d nostris certe multo magisd abundavit. Hacquee de causa nosf Radulfus,g Dei annuente gratia Vermandensiumh comes, notum fieri volumus tam praesentibus quam futuris postulationei charissimi nostri Hugonis Humolariensis ecclesiaej abbatis postulantis nostrae authoritatisk privilegio muniri et confirmari quoddam feodum in Ruvereol et Harleio situm, quod ex officio thesaurariae Sancti Quintini quidam miles Oliverius nominem tenebat, quodque praefatae ecclesiae nobis tamen faventibus dudum tradiderat. Quoniam autemn tanti viri precibus obviare non possumus nec debemus, praefatumo feodum, hoc est duos furnos in supradictis villis sitos cum terra arabilip quae in Ruvereol erat, Humolariensi ecclesiae ut in perpetuum libere possideat devotiq concedimus,r sicut olim interpellatione domini Simonis Noviomensis
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episcopi temporalia bona ipsius thesaurariae concessione nostra tunc tenentis feceramus, quod et secundo per manum dominis Roberti idem officium a nobis tenentis iterando confirmamus,t et sub sigilli nostriu impressionev et testium subscriptione hancw nostram concessionem, ne in posterum labefactari possit, roboramus.x


65

Abbot Garin

Abbot Garin and the monks of Homblières declare that they conceded to Notre-Dame of Mont-Saint-Martin part of the altar of Savy, arable and woods in Brancourt, a field from the endowment of the altar at Fresnoy-le-Grand, and 12 d. at Montbréhain. In return they received twelve and one-half modii of wheat annually at the public measure of Saint-Quentin on All Saints’ Day [1 November] either at Saint-Prix1 or at Saint-Quentin, and also three modii of oats at Fresnoy-le-Grand.

B: B.N., lat. 5478, Cartulaire du Mont-Saint-Martin, fol. 116r. with the title “Item eiusdem de Brancort et de Savi,” without witnesses, copy of the 13th c. C: Lat. 13911, fol. 79r-v, with the title “Charta de Savi et de XII modiis frumenti quos canonici Sancti Martini singulis annis debent persolvere nobis.” D: H 588, p. 68, with the same title as C. E: B.N., lat. 9128, Cartulaire du Mont-Saint-Martin, pp. 461-462, copy of B of 1740.

Ind.: Matton, p. 95.

In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti, amen.a Quoniam inter cetera humanae fragilitatis incommoda quam plurimum noxia toleraturb oblivio, necesse est litteris mandari quod inter filios ecclesiae pacis gratia constat actitari. Ego igiturc Garinus,d Dei gratia abbas Humolariensis,e totusque ecclesiae nostrae conventus scire praesentes scire et posteros volumus quod ecclesiae Sanctaef Mariae de Monte Sancti Martini concessimus quicquidg in Savi possidebamus, terciamh
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scilicet partem altaris et quicquidg in territorio de Brancorti tam in arabili terra quam in silva, campum etiam unum de dote altaris de Fraisnoytj qui est in Gulvile, etk XII denariosl quos habebamus apudm Montbrahain,n tali duntaxat conditione interposita ut ab ecclesia Sanctae Mariaeo de Monte Sancti Martini XIIp modios frumenti legitimi et dimidium ad mensuram publicamq Sancti Quintini fuste ad fustem mensuratam in festivitate Omnium Sanctorum singulis annis recipiamusr sive apud Sanctum Proiectum sive apud Sanctum Quintinum, tres etiam modios avenae eodem termino nobis persolvents apud Fraisnoit.t Quodu ut ratum atque inconvulsum permaneat in perpetuum scripto firmavimus et sigillorum nostrorum impressionibus munitum invicem nobis per cyrographumv divisimus. Actum incarnationis Dominicae anno MCLI. Signumw domini Garini abbatis. Signum domini Gilberti abbatis. Signum Hilduini. Signum Rainaldi. Signum Wilberti. Signum Aegidii. Signum Petri. Signum Heldradi. Signum Bonardi. Signum Benedicti. Signum Rainardi. Signum Pannonis. Signum Godescalci. Signum Rainaldi.x Signum Ioannis. Signum Gerrici. Signum Albrici. Signum Odonis. Signum Iuliani.y Signum Galceri. Signum Galteri praepositi.z


66

Garin, abbot of Homblières

Garin, abbot of Homblières, declares in this chirograph that his monastery accepted a gift of land in the territory of Fontaine-Notre-Dame from the knights Wicard and Evrard [of Origny-Sainte-Benoîte].1 The monks may work all the land, both cultivated and uncultivated, or only the part that they consider most fertile and susceptible to frequent plowing and annual planting, since it is not profitable to let fertile land lie fallow every third year. If the monks find this land unproductive, the donors will furnish more fertile land in return for the ninth bundle of the harvest. The knights with their wives and children confirmed this agreement by oath and transferred the land by placing branch and turf with their own hands before the image of Saint Hunegund.


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B: Lat. 13911, fol. 85r-v, with the title “De territorio Fontanensi a Wichardo nobis concesso.” C: H 588, pp. 70-71, with the same title as B, except for “Wicardo.”

Ind.: Matton, p. 95.

Ego Garinus Dei gratia Humolariensis abbas. Notum esse volumus tam futuris quam praesentibus quod terra de territorio Fontanensi Wicardoa necnon Evrardo filiisque eorum, illorum dumtaxat quae iurisb eorum erat, hac conditione perpetualiter in eleemosynam ecclesia Humolariensisc accepit. Si quidem terras omnes quas in praefato territorio habebant cultas et incultas excolemus,d illas dumtaxat quas meliores fertilioresque iudicavimus, porro quas meliores perhabuerimus quas scilicet frequentia aratri vulnera et annua semina recipere ut pinguiores foecundioresque minus possunt quiescere triennio pro arbitrio nostro patientur;e quod si transacto praelibato termino eas iterum colere causa damni nostri recusaverimus, quibus voluerint dabunt, fertilioribus tamenf nobis detentis nonum vero manipulumg a nobis accipient, et quod primum de duobus tempore messis invenerimus ut vulgo dicitur ad terragendum vocabimus nec secundum expectabimus. Si autem neutrum eorumh terragiationis hora habuerimus, monachus seu quilibet alius ex parte nostra quii digne credij possit terragiabit loco eorum, ne mora seu expectatio eorum commune utrisque inferat damnum, nostrum etiam apud Fontanense tantum deducere ipsum eorum terragium. Huius autem pactionis verba praefati milites cum uxoribus et liberis suisk sacramento firmavere ipsamque terram ramol cespiteque sanctissimae virginis Hunegundis feretro propriis manibus in eleemosynam relinquentes posuerunt. Quod ut ratum perpetuo maneat chirographum fecimus, testes idoneos annotavimus, anathematis etiam vinculo violatoresm huius eleemosynae obligavimus. Signum Garini abbatis. Signum Ranoldi prioris. Signum Hilduinin praepositi. Signum Harduini. Signum Gotluini. Signum Betulfi. Signum Aegidii. Signum Huberti. Signum Hugonis. Signum Evrardi atque filiorum suorum. Signum Odonis Warcasui, et Rainaldio de Regni. Signum Fulcardi.p Signum Radulfi. Signum Petri. Signum Grimoldi. Actum anno incarnati verbi MCLII, anno dominiq Garini abbatis secundo.



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67

Gozuin, abbot of Anchin

Gozuin, abbot of Anchin, declares that his monastery sold to Homblières what it possessed in the villa of Urcel—houses, vineyards, a meadow, and a small wood—for 140 l., money of Provins. Anchin’s legal right to the property was confirmed in a sealed charter of Bartholomew, bishop of Laon (act no. 61), which is now given to Homblières, and in a papal confirmation of Eugenius [III],1 which is retained by Anchin because it confirms other possessions as well.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 44r-v, with the title “Charta vinearum de Ursel.” C: H 588, pp. 40-41, with the same title as B.

Ind.: Matton, p. 94.

In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti. Ego Gozuinus, Dei gratia abbas Aquicinensis monasterii, notum fieri volo tam futuris quam praesentibus sanctae matris ecclesiae filiis quod in pago Laudunensi in villa quae nuncupatur Ursel possessio nobis erat in domibus, in vineis, sed et pratum et modicum nemus inibi possidebamus. Hanc possessionem ut firmam et inconvulsam Aquicinensis ecclesia teneret ac pro suo arbitrio et voluntate, secundum quod ratio et utilitas exposcebat, disponeret, venerabilis Laudunensis episcopus Bartholomeusa petentibus nobis privilegio suo ac sigillo et testium subscriptione firmavit. Nihilominus summus pontifex bonae memoriae Eugenius ad petitionem nostram suae nobis authoritatis privilegium fecit in quo cum caeteris quae legitime possidebamus hanc possessionem firmavit. Denique post aliquot annos, secundum quod ratio et communis utilitas exposcebat, ecclesiae nostrae fratrum nostrorum communis assensus et consilium fuit ut istam possessionem de Ursel distraheremus et ecclesiae Humolariensi cui magis competebat et commodum erat venderemus, quod et fecimus accepto ab ipsa ecclesia pretio CXL librarum pruviniensis monetae. Et ut nulla deinceps in perpetuum super hac emptione sive venditione inter nostram et Humolariensem ecclesiam suboriretur calumnia sive contradictio, praesentibus religiosis personis et honestae famae laicis, ab ipsa possessione nos omnino immunes et alienos fecimus et in perpetuum possidendam domino Gaurino, venerabili abbati Humolariensis ecclesiae, et fratribus in eab Deo servientibus communiter ac devote concessimus. Insuper privilegium praefati episcopi Laudunensis Bartholomeic super hac possessione firmatum a nostro monasterio removentes praedicto abbati et fratribus eius in testimonium contradidimus, porro privilegium
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domini papae Eugenii in quo cum caeterisd possessionibus supradicta possessio de Ursel erat nobis confirmata propter astipulationem caeterarum nostrarum possessionum in ecclesia nostra servandum retinuimus, scilicet ius apostolici privilegii pertinens ad possessionem de Ursel praedicto abbati et ecclesiae Humolariensi, ut dictum est, concessimus, ad haec adiecimus, et hac conventionee abbatem et fratres ecclesiae Humolariensis securos fecimus. Quod si quis calumniator sive violentus invasor de concessa eis a nobis ista possessione insurgere vellet, omnimodis tuitionem et quod vulgo dicitur guarandisam ad eos qui vellent exequi iustitiae legem eis ferre non recusaremus, et ut distractio firma et inconvulsa in perpetuum maneat, praesenti scripto cum sigillo nostrae ecclesiae confirmavimus, testes etiam idoneos subter annotavimus. Signum Ingraniif abbatis Sancti Medardi Suessionensis.g Signum Hugonis abbatis Sancti Amandi. Signum Walteri abbatis Sancti Martini Tornacensis. Signum Fulconis abbatis Hasnonnensis.h Signumi Hugonis abbatis Marconiensis. Signum Adam abbatis Sancti Andreae de Novo Castello. Signum Rainardi abbatis Sancti Proiecti. Signum Walteri, Hugonis, Alberti, Balduini. Signum Igerii, Armarii, Bartholomei,c sacerdotum. Signum Iordanis, Balduini, Matthaei, Nicolai, Willermi,j diaconorum. Signum Gerini, Baldrici,k Ernulfi, [sub]diaconorum.l Signum Walteri praepositi, Stephani camerarii, Walteri hospitarii, Walberti cellarii, Lantberti thesaurarii. Actum et recitatum Aquicinti in capello ab incarnatione Domini anno MCLIII. Ego Willermusm Calvus scripsi et subscripsi.


68

Walter, bishop of Laon

Walter, bishop of Laon,2 declares that his predecessor Bartholomew confirmed in a sealed charter (act no. 61) whatever the church of Anchin possessed in the villa of Urcel. Gozuin, abbot of Anchin, with the consent of his chapter and in the presence of Walter, sold those possessions to the church of Homblières for the price of 140 l., money of Provins (act no. 67). By his episcopal authority Walter approves the sale and issues this charter to commemorate it.


 [[ Print Edition Page No. 141 ]] 

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 45r-v, with the title “Charta vinearum de Ursel.” C: H 588, pp. 41-42, with the same title as B.

Ind.: Matton, p. 94.

In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis. Ego Galterus, Dei miseratione sanctae Laudunensis ecclesiae humilis minister, quem in domo summi patrisfamilias nos licet indignos gratia divina constituit circa omnia quae ad utilitatem et consolationes ecclesiarum pertinere videntur vigilanti cura nos esse sollicitos officium nostrum requirit, non solum enim iura et possessiones earum quae ab antiquo constitutae sunt in statu et tenore pristino conservare, verum etiam quae ex fidelium devotione eis collata sit, authoritate imaginis nostrae et litterarum nostrarum munimine confirmarea debemus. Quapropter notum sit omnibus tam praesentibus quam futuris quod quidquid Acquicinensis ecclesia in pago Laudunensi in villa quae nuncupatur Ursel in domibus, in vineis, in pratis et nemore possidebat, a domino Bartholomeo praedecessore nostro eidem ecclesiae concessum authoritate imaginis suae et litterarum suarum munimine confirmatum Humolariensi ecclesiae per manum Gaurini abbatis, in praesentia nostra Goszuinus Aquicinensisb ecclesiae abbas, assensu capituli sui, pretio centum quadraginta librarum proviniensis monetae vendidit et quieta possessione concessit. Nos etiam praenominatam possessionem ecclesiae Humolariensic perpetuo possidendam pontificali authoritate concessimus. Hoc autem ne possit oblivione deleri et a posteris infirmari sigilli nostri impressione et testium subscriptione muniri fecimus. Si qua igitur ecclesiastica saecularisve persona hanc nostrae institutionis paginam infringere aut mutare praesumpserit, si semel, secundo tertiove commonita non adquieverit et emendaverit, anathematis sententiae subiaceat. Signum Galteri Laudunensis decani. Signum Richardi archidiaconi. Signum Bartholomeid thesaurarii. Signum Balduini archidiaconi. Signum Milonis cantoris. Signum Brunonis abbatis Sancti Ioannis. Signum Gillermi abbatis Sancti Vincentii. Signum Richardi abbatis Sancti Nicolai de Prato. Signum Gaurini abbatis Sancti Martini. Signum Roberti Fusniacensis. Signum Udonis Valledarensis abbatis. Signum Diammici. Signum Roberti et Gonteri praesbyterorum. Signum Gerardi subthesaurarii. Signum Herberti subcantoris. Signum Oddonis diaconi.e Signum Lisiardi et Manasses. Signum Haviani subdiaconorum. Testes venditionis et concessionis factae in capitulo Aquicinensi hi sunt: Signum Ingraniif abbatis Sancti Medardi Suessionensis.g Signum Hugonis abbatis [Sancti Amandi. Signum Walteri abbatis]3 Sancti Martini Tornacensis.
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 142 ]] 
Signumh Hugonis abbatis Marceniensis. Signum Fulconis abbatis Hanoniensis. Signum Adam abbatis Sancti Andreae de Novo Castello. Signum Rainardi abbatis Sancti Proiecti. Signum Walterii, Hugonis, Balduini, Sigeri,i Armarii, Bartholomeid sacerdotum. Signum Iordani, Balduini, Matthaei, Nicolai, Willermi diaconorum. Signum Gerzuini,j Baldrici, Ernulfik subdiaconorum. Signum Walteri praepositi, Stephani camerarii, Galteri hospitarii, Walberti cellarii, Lantbertil thesaurarii. Actum Lauduni anno incarnati MCLIII. Angotus cancellarius relegit, scripsit et subscripsit.


69

Abbot Gerald

Abbot Gerald and the entire chapter of Vicoigne declare in this chirograph1 that they will not acquire any land in the parish of Marcy. If any layman gives land in that parish to Vicoigne, the monastery will transfer it to the monks of Homblières, either by sale or exchange, or will allow Homblières to cultivate the land in return for crop sharing.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 78, with the title “De Casa Dei.” C: H 588, pp. 67-68, with the same title.

Ind.: Matton, p. 95.

In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis. Quia mutabilitatis humanae naturae plerumquea cogit a memoria labi quod perutile fueratb a mortalibus retineri, idcirco rebus confirmandis necessario scribitur chirographum quod disceptationibus calumniatorum solet finem imponere controversiarum. Ego igiturc Geraldus, abbas de Casa Dei, pacis ac concordiae causa, totius capituli nostri communi assensu decrevimus
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 143 ]] 
ut nullam terram in parochiad in qua Marchi sita est deincepse adquiramus, porro si aliqua saecularis persona supernae remunerationis obtentu in iam dicta parochiad terram ecclesiae nostrae contulerit, eam monachis Humolariensis ecclesiae rationabili venditione vel alterius terrae commutatione sive etiam ad garbam excolendam hilariter concedemus. Ut ergo hic nostrae pactionis assensus ratus in perpetuum conservetur sigilli nostri impressione firmavimus, idoneorumque testium nomina subter annotavimus. Signum Geraldi abbatis de Casa Dei. Signum Guarini abbatis Humolariensis. Signum Hugonis abbatis Sancti Amandi.f Signum Gualterig abbatis Sancti Martini Tornacensis. Signum Rainaldi abbatis Sancti Proiecti. Signum Petri prioris. Signum Radulfi subprioris. Signum Godefridi sacerdotis. Signum Roberti. Signum Simonis. Signum Gualterig diaconorum. Signum Arnulfi. Signum Odonis. Signum Willelmih subdiaconorum. Actum anno verbi incarnati MCLIV, indictione II, epacta IV.i


70

Abbot Garin

Abbot Garin and the entire chapter of Homblières declare in this chirograph1 that they will not acquire any land in the parish of Regny. If any layman does give land there to Homblières, the monastery will gladly give it to the monks of Vicoigne by sale or exchange or will allow Vicoigne to cultivate the land in return for crop sharing.

B: Nord, A.D., 59 H 95, Cartulaire de Vicoigne, fol. 28v, no. 27, with the title “De Rengi et Humolariensi et ecclesia,” copy of the 13th c. C: Coll. Moreau, vol. 67, fol. 17, copy of “le petit cartulaire de velin parchemin de l’abbaye de Vicogne, numerotée XXVIIe [= B],” by Queinsert, 3 Dec. 1771. D: B.N., lat. 12895, Cartulaire de Saint-Quentin-en-l’Ile,2 fol. 48v, with the title “Quod ecclesia Humolariensis [nihil] acquirere potest infra parrochiam de Regni,” 17th-c. copy of an older cartulary. E: Aisne, A.D., H 534, Cartulaire de Saint-Quentin-en-l’Ile,2 pp. 64-65, 18th-c. copy of an older cartulary, with the same title as D.

Ind.: Matton, p. 87. Piétresson de Saint-Aubin, 2:264.


 [[ Print Edition Page No. 144 ]] 

In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis. Quia mutabilitatis humanae natura plerumque cogit a memoria labi quod perutile fuerat a mortalibus retineri, idcirco rebus confirmandis necessarie scribitur cyrographum quod disceptationibus calumpniatorum solet finem imponere controversiarum. Ego igitur Garinus abbas Humolariensis pacis ac concordie causa, totius capituli nostri communi assensu, decrevimus ut nullam terram in parochia de Regni deinceps adquiramus, porro si aliqua secularis persona supernae remunerationis obtentu in iam dicta parrochia terram ecclesie nostre contulerit, eam fratribus de Casa Dei rationabili venditione vel alterius terre commutatione sive etiam ad garbam excolendam hilariter concedemus. Ut ergo hic nostre pactionis assensus ratus in perpetuum conservetur sigilli nostri impressione firmavimus, idoneorumque testium nomina subter annotavimus. Signum Guarini abbatis Humolariensis. Signum Geraldi abbatis de Casa Dei. Signum Hugonis abbatis Sancti Amandi. Signum Gualteri abbatis Sancti Martini Tornacensis. Signum Rainardi abbatis Sancti Preiecti. Signum Rainaldi prioris. Signum Hilduini prepositi. Signum Egidii presbiterorum. Signum Henrici. Signum Iohannis. Signum Everardi diaconorum. Signum Symonis. Signum Helye. Signum Adam subdiaconorum. Actum anno verbi incarnati MCLIIII, indictione II, epacta IIII.


71

Garin, abbot of Homblières

Garin, abbot of Homblières, issues a chirograph sealed by Baldwin, bishop of Noyon, concerning land in Essigny-le-Petit that three knights sold to the monastery by branch and turf for 15 l., money of Saint-Quentin, and one-ninth of the harvest annually. Whichever knight is in the vicinity during the division of the harvest, which is commonly called the taking of the terragium, will receive the one-ninth share; if none appears, their share will be stored. If any of the land is rocky or otherwise not suitable to annual plowing, it will be improved by lying idle. Present at this donation were officials of the bishop, ecclesiastics, and nobles, and the wives, brothers, children, and relatives of the knights.


 [[ Print Edition Page No. 145 ]] 

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 47r-v, with the title “De terra Radulfi, Roberti, Wicardi militum quam in territorio Isianensi pro nono manipulo habemus.” C: H 588, pp. 43-44, with the same title as B, except for “Radulphi” and “Isianenci.” D: Coll. Picardie, vol. 257, fol. 52, 18th-c. copy of C. E: Coll. Moreau, vol. 67, fols. 244-244bis., 18th-c. copy of C.

Ind.: Matton, p. 94.

In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti. Quam quietissime viverent homines si duo verba e medio tollerentur, meum videlicet et tuum, sancta ecclesia ob concordiam filiorum chartularum reperit ingenium quatenus ipsarum lectione extinguantur litium flammae dato cuique suo iure. Quapropter ego Garinus, Humolariensis ecclesiae minister indignus, notum fieri volo tam futuris quam praesentibus bona quae adepta est ecclesia nostra diebus nostris. Terra[m] siquidem in Isianensia parrochia tres milites Radulfus videlicet, Robertus atque Wichardusb in feudum a dominis suis iure paterno tenebant, sed tam pro ipsa portione trina quam etiam pro arborum radicatione nimia non facile ab eis coli poterat. Unde conventione cum eis in quindecim libris Sancti Quintinensis monetae facta, praedictam terram ecclesiae nostrae perpetuo possidendam ramo et cespite in eleemosynam relinquentes tradiderunt, nonum dumtaxat manipulum in ea detinentes. Cum autem terragiandi ut vulgo dicitur tempus venerit Isiniaci,c nec uspiam eos quaeremus, et quem primum de tribus invenerimus pro ipso nono eorum manipulo accipiendo vocabimus nec secundum seu tertium expectabimus. Quod si forte reperiri quis eorum inibi non potuerit, monachus vel conversus qui messoribus praefuerit, loco eorum terragiabit verbumque illius in numerandis salvandisque manipulis suis praesentium eorum valebit, nostrum vero erit apud Isiniacum solummodo ducere ipsum nonum eorum manipulum.d Porro si aliqua terra petrosa et ut vulgo dicitur avesna, vel etiam aquosa, quae testimonio agricolarum annui culturam aratri sustinere nequiverit,e in territorio reperta fuerit praedicto vacare et requiescere eam donec melioretur, omni quaerela sopita, patientur, sed si quis calumniae obstaculum alicuiusf de hac terra nobis obiecerit, tutelam et advocationem se laturos omnino sacramento spoponderunt, dominos quoque proprios quibus hominiumg et servitium pro eadem terra reddebant. Praesentibus Noviomensis episcopi ministris, adstantibus etiam religiosis et nobilibus viris ad ipsum secum perpetuo concedere fecerunt uxoresh etiam ac liberos, fratres et propinquos huic pactioni interesse fecerunt, qui ut reliqui omnia benignei etj legitime concesserunt. Igitur ne super hac pactione aliqua deinceps
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 146 ]] 
oblivio vel contradictio oriatur chirographum fecimus, domini Balduini Noviomensis episcopi sigillum apposuimus, testium subscriptione corroboravimus. Signum Garini abbatis, Arnulfi, Hilduini, Rainaldi, Aegidii, Walterik praepositi. Signum Ingelberti, Arnulfi decanorum. Signum Matthaei de Sanctis, Anselmi de Leuirgiis,l Pagani de Fillanis,1 Bernardi,m Gerardi Lupi, Widonis de Rumaldicurte, Oddonis, Warchiani. Witberti Isiniacensisn villici. Actum anno ab incarnatione Domini MCLV.


72

Baldwin, bishop of Noyon

Baldwin, bishop of Noyon, confirms that Robert of Etaves, when he became a monk at Homblières, gave that church two bundles of the tithe of the altar of Landricourt, with the consent of his sister who was his next heir. Baldwin also confirms to Homblières the gift of his predecessor, Simon, of the altar of Marcy (act no. 40), to which he adds the presbyterial curioratum.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 50r-v, with the title “De eleemosyna quam Robertus de Stabulis dedit nobis.” C: H 588, pp. 46-47, with the same title as B.

Ind.: Matton, p. 94.

Balduinus Dei gratia Noviomensium episcopus omnibus tam praesentibus quam futuris in perpetuum. Sedis et officii nostri consideratione compellimur ut qui pastorali cathedrae praesidemus bonorum virorum desideriis eorumque iustis petitionibus hilari condescendamus affectu. Eleemosynam igitur Roberti de Stabulis quam ipse ecclesiae Humolariensi dedit quando monachalem habitum ibidem suscepit, videlicet duas garbas decimae altaris de Landrecurt,a concedente etiam eius sorore primo videlicet post ipsum haerede, dilecte frater Garine, venerabilis abbas Humolariensis ecclesiae, tibi iuxta petitionem tuam tuisque successoribus in perpetuum possidendam benigne concedimus; et confirmamus praeterea donum altaris de
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 147 ]] 
Marceio quod vir memorandae memoriae Simon praedecessor noster iam dictae ecclesiae ob salutem animae suae et praedecessorum suorum contulit. Simili modo concedimus et curioratum praesbyteralem ex nostra parte superaddimus. Ut haec igitur inconvulsa permaneant praesentis paginae munimento sancimus et tam sigilli nostri impressione quam testium sub assignatione corroboravimus. Signum Balduini Noviomensis episcopi. Signum Balduini decani. Signum Petri cantoris. Signum Balduini praepositi. Signum Walberti. Signum Roberti filii Kamardi. Signum Arnulfi decani. Signum Engelberti decani. Signum Absalonis abbatis Sancti Bartholomaei apostoli. Signum Guibaudi abbatis Sancti Eligii. Signum Gilberti abbatis Sancti Nicolai de Sylva. Signum Rainaldi abbatis Hamensis. Signum Ranardib abbatis Sancti Proiecti. Signum Alulfic abbatis Sanctae Mariae Calviacensis. Signum Balduini abbatis Sancti Quintini de Insula. Signum Hugonis abbatis Sancti Quintini de Monte. Signum Aldrici abbatis Sancti Theodorici.d Ego Hugo cancellarius recognovi, scripsi et subscripsi.


73

Notice

A notice declares that a certain Hospinell had long held from the monastery of Homblières land at Lambay which he possessed by hereditary right and for which he was accustomed to pay 6 s. annually. He and his wife and sons gave all this land to the monastery for remission
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 148 ]] 
of that payment and in return for six modii of wheat annually at the measure of Saint-Quentin, which at that time was generally used throughout the province. If Hospinell wishes the grain to be delivered to Ribemont or Vendeuil, he must send his own agents with sacks to measure the wheat, which then will be conveyed by Homblières. Witnesses include knights of the monastery.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 54r-v, with the title “De quatuor modiis frumenti et dimidio quos debemus Hospinello pro terra quadam quae sita est apud Lambaidem.” C: H 588, p. 50, with the same title as B but with “quatuor” corrected to “sex” and “et dimidio” crossed out.

Ind.: Matton, p. 94.

In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis. Tam venturis quam modernis notum fieri volumus Hospinellum quamdam terram hereditario iure possessam apud Lambaidem ab ecclesia Humolariensi longo tempore tenuisse pro qua sex solidos annuatim persolvere solebat praedictae ecclesiae; hanc terram totam idem Hospinellus cum uxore sua et filiis suis eo iure quo ipsam tenebat praefatae ecclesiae in possessionem habere concessit pro sex modiis legalis frumenti annuatim ab ecclesia sibi persolvendis iuxta mensuram Sancti Quintini, quae tunc temporis generaliter per totam discurrebat provinciam, et ita quod deinceps praedictos sex solidos persolvere non deberet. In hac etiam compositione ab utraque sancitum est quod si Hospinellus hoc frumentum ad Robodomontema transportari velit, apud Castellionem suscipere illud debet servienti proprio in praesenti cum saccis suis posito, ac ipsum frumentum praedicta mensura mensuratum vectura ecclesiae ad Ribodimontem transportabitur. Si vero ad Vendolium transvehi frumentum voluerit ut praedictum est servienti suo in praesenti cum saccis suis posito mensuratum frumentum ad Vendolium transvehetur. De frumento vero remittendo nulla ecclesia adhibebit sollicitudinem. Praeterea notandum est cum ecclesia de Lambais consecraretur eumdem Hospinellum contulisse praedictae ecclesiae in eleemosynam matrimonii quidquid infra ambitum illius curtis iure possedit proprio, et extra curtem in via regia tantum concessit terram quae in seminando octavam partem modum suscipere potest et infra hortum medietatem. Et quia omnia temporalia humana exigente fragilitate naturae a memoria cito delabuntur, hoc memoriae mandare disposuimus tam litterarum inscriptione quam sigillib impressione. Huius autem rei testes sunt: abbas eiusdem loci Warinus, abbas Richardus Sancti Nicolaic de Pratis, Rainardus abbas Sancti Proiecti. De monachis ecclesiae: de sacerdotibus Arnulfus, Rainaldus, Hubertus; de diaconibus Ioannes, Evrardus, Gerardus; de subdiaconibus
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 149 ]] 
Anselmus, Henricus, Helias; de presbyteris Stephanus decanus de Sessi et Radulfus presbyter de Bresnort. De militibus: Simon de Ribodimonte, Wichardus de Bresnort, Rogus de Faihel, Oddo de Sessi. De militibus ecclesiae: Simon de Humbleriis, Gerardus, Benardus,d Albricus Vallebrenus, Radulfus de Horegui, Clarebaldus, Robertus de Atavilla. Anno ab incarnatione Domini MCLVI.e


74

Chirograph the monks of Homblières

In a chirograph the monks of Homblières transfer to the canons of Clairefontaine the forty-two modii that they collect in terragium, tithe, and other secular revenues from the land of Robert of L’Epinois. In return Homblières will receive a census of sixteen modii annually of the best wheat after the sowing on the feast of Saint Martin [11 November] at its granary or wherever the abbot desires within a circuit of two miliaria. If Clairefontaine is unable to cultivate the land in the event of war, this census will not be collected until peace is reestablished.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 51r-v, with the title “De terra Rohardi quam monachi Humolarienses dederunt ad censum canonicis Clarefontanensibus” [changed to Clarefontesibus]. C: H 588, pp. 47-48, with the same title as B without the change.

Ind.: Matton, p. 94.

In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis. Ut conventiones praesentium futuros non lateant placuit litteris annotari quod ex terra Roberti de Espinoit, quam a Rohardo de Fasti et ab eius haeredibus censualem accepit Humolariensis ecclesia, XLII modiate a terragio et decima et omni saeculari exactione a debito quoque sacerdotis omni ecclesiastico redditu liberae assignatae sunt ecclesiae Claraefontis a Garino abbate assensu capitulia sui sub annuo censu XVI modiorum frumenti melioris post sementem et mensuram Sancti Quintini, quae quamvis ibidem aut alibi aliquando minuatur aut crescat, semper apud utramque ecclesiam eadem permanebit, in horrea quoque Humolariensisb ecclesiae vel quo abbas voluerit ad duo dumtaxat miliaria in circuitu censum illum Clarefontensibus vehiculis duci, et infra festivitatem Sancti Martini solvi debere. Statutum est contra emergentes calumnias eorum tantum qui iustitiam et iudiciumc non fugient Humolarienses pro Clarefontensibus decertabunt, neque ullam deinceps
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 150 ]] 
mansionem inter Fraxinetum et Manum Firmam vel Busincamp,d hi aut illi constituant introducent. Si propediente guerra communi ibidem Clarefontensibus agriculturae vacare non licet, terra immunis a debito censuali ad Humolariensem revertetur ecclesiam donec ad illam redire Clarefontenses reformata pace voluerint, quam et sine contradictione quidquid et Humolarienses culturae ac laboris impenderint in eadem libertate reciperent, in qua eam cum loco cederent, reliquerunt censum dehinc annuum sicut antea soluturi. Si ex terrae huius residuo partem eius aut totam sibi deinceps vendicare voluerint, alius subintrare non poterit. Si tamen ea placuerit conditione suscipere qua possidere vult alius, ut haec igitur pactio inconvulsa perduret, utrique ecclesiae sua sunt distributa chirographa, ita ut Humolariensi chirographo Clarefontensis abbatis et Laudunensis episcopi sigilla apposita, Clarefontensi vero chirographo Humolariensis abbatis et Noviomensis episcopi sigilla adhibita. Utrique autem chirographo testium subscripta sunt nomina. Ex canonicis Clarifontis: Signum Ioannis prioris. Signum Balduini subprioris. Signum Ricoldi provisoris. Hi sacerdotes: Ex diaconibus: Signum Fulveri. Signum Stephani. Signum Iordani. Ex subdiaconibus: Signum Walteri, Mauritii, Balduini. Ex laicis: Signum Odonis, Balduini, Consonis. Ex monachis Humolariensibus:e Signum Huberti prioris, Hilduini, Aegidii,f sacerdotum. Ex diaconibus: Signum Henrici, Gerardi, Evrardi. Ex subdiaconibus: Signum Henrici, Simonis, Anselmi. Ex clericis: Signum magistri Martini. Signum Nicolai. Ex militibus: Signum Godefridig de Guisia, Anselmi de Lauergiis, Albrici Walbruni, Simonis Tuevilain,1 Otimundi de Guisia. Actum anno ab incarnatione Domini MCLVII, epacta VII, concurrente I, indictione V. Ego Agellus cancellarius subscripsih et religi.


75

Hugh, abbot of Prémontré

Hugh, abbot of Prémontré, and Garin, abbot of Homblières, and their chapters announce that Homblières concedes to Prémontré whatever it possesses in lands and tithes in the territory
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 151 ]] 
of Bonneuil and Golancourt in return for a census of one and one-half modii of wheat and one modius of oats at the measure of Ham to be paid at the feast of Saint Remi [1 October].1 This chirograph is sealed by each monastery and by Baldwin [II], bishop of Noyon.

A: Oise, A.D., H 5989, fonds Saint-Jean de Prémontré. Chirograph; all the seals are lost. B: Soissons, B.M., MS 7, Cartulaire de Prémontré, fol. 108r, copy of ca. 1275.

In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis, amen. Ego Hugo Premonstrate ecclesie abbas totumque capitulum nostrum, ego etiam Gaurinusa Humolariensis abbas simulque capitulum nostrum, omnibus tam futuris quam presentibus in perpetuum. Quia servi Dei qui Dei sunt, maxime concordiam fratrum et amorem proximorum debent querere, pactum quod pro bono pacis inter nos ad invicem statutum est huic cartule studuimus inserere ut si quis deinceps inter nos presumpserit violare caritatem ad vinculum pacis reducatur per memoratam scripti veritatem. Garinus itaque Humolariensis abbas totumque capitulum suum Premonstrate ecclesie in perpetuum censualiter concessit quicquid in territorio Bonolii et Gollencurtis possidebat tam in terra quam in decima pro modio et dimidio frumenti et modio uno avene ad mensuram Hamensem quae eo tempore Hami erat; qui census annuatim in festo Sancti Remigii persolvetur, quem Humolarienses in curia Bonolii accipient. Ne quis ergo pactum hoc quod pro pacis concordieque gratia pro utrorumque commodo factum est in posterum violare valeat, nos ambo personarum nostrarum testimonio cyrographo quoque et sigillis ecclesiarum nostrarum alternatim confirmavimus, sed et auctoritate et sigillo venerabilis Balduini Noviomensis episcopi corroboravimus. Testesque capitulorum qui huic pactioni interfuerunt subsignamus. Signum Huberti prioris. Signum Rainaldi.b Signum Harduini. Signum Rotgeric sacerdotum. Signum Henrici. Signum Anselmi. Signum Petri diaconorum. Signum Symonis. [Signum] Rainoardi. Signum Richardi subdiaconorum. Signum Raineri.d Signum Bonardi. Signum Haimonis monachorum. Signum Hugonis Premonstrati prioris. Signum Iohannis. Signum Goszuinie sacerdotum. Signum Ade. Signum Iohannis. Signum Rainardi diaconorum. Signum Richardi. Signum Ligeri. Signum Osmundi subdiaconorum. Signum Fulconis. Signum Mathei. Signum Lantberti canonicorum. Actum incarnationis Dominice annof MCLVIII.



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76

Abbot Garin

Abbot Garin and the chapter of Homblières grant the request of Gerbert of Fresnoy-le-Grand1 to give the fief he held from Homblières at Gulvilla to the monastery of Mont-Saint-Martin. That fief consists of one-third of the tithe of the church and all its dependencies in land, fields, and woods that he held in return for a census of three modii of wheat, measure of Saint-Quentin, payable at the feast of Saint Remi [1 October]. This transfer was approved by his son Robert in the presence of Burchard [lord of Guise and Lesquielles] and other witnesses and was approved by Gerbert’s eldest daughter and her husband and son and by his other daughters and his wife. The census owed from this fief cannot be sold, mortgaged, or alienated without Homblières’s approval, and if the amount of the census is ever reduced by Gerbert or his heir, the fief will be forfeited.

B: B.N., lat. 5478, Cartulaire du Mont-Saint-Martin, fols. 115v-116r, with the title “Inter nos et ecclesiam Humolariensem de terra Gerberti,” copy of the 13th c. C: B.N., lat. 9128, Cartulaire du Mont-Saint-Martin, pp. 460-461, copy of B of 1740.

In nomine sancte et individue Trinitatis. In hoc dignum Deo exhibetur officium, si pauperum suorum utilitati provideatur et paci, quatinus fervorem devotionis nulla in eis extinguat inopia et eos infestare volentibus iuste calumpnie adunatur occasio. Eapropter scire modernos, scire volumus et posteros quod ego Garinus Dei gratia abbas Humolariensis ecclesie totumque capitulum nostrum, ad voluntatem et petitionem Gerberti de Fraisnoy, annuentibus Roberto filio suo et uxore ac filiabus ipsius Gerberti quatuor, concessimus ecclesie Montis Sancti Martini iure perpetuo possidendum quicquid Gerbertus apud Gulvillam a nobis tenebat in feodum, terciam scilicet partem decime ad altare pertinentem cum omni appenditio eius in terra culta et inculta, in agro et nemore, ad censum trium modiorum frumenti ad mensuram Sancti Quintiniensis annuatim in festo Sancti Remigii persolvendorum, eo pacto ut Gerbertus aut heres ipsius ipsum censum lege feodi a nobis teneat. Hanc censuram approbavit atque concessit Robertus filius Gerberti coram Buriardo de Leskeres2 et Godefrido fratre eius, Clarenbaldo et Rohardo de Fasti, Richero de Spinoy, aliisque multis testibus. Isabel quoque filia Gerberti maior natu id ipsum laudavit atque concessit cum viro suo Algerio et filio suo Adam, presentibus et testificantibus Pagano de Avesnes aliisque quampluribus, scilicet etiam cetera tres filie Gerberti, Ermengardis, Freessendis, Aelies cum matre earum Hersende et Radulpho Colteel, viro Ermengardis, Freessende et Aelis necdum matrimonio iunctis,
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concesserunt hanc censuram, presentibus Pagano de Avesnes et Gerberto patre earumdem aliisque quampluribus. Nos vero talem huic censure apponimus conditionem quod neque Gerbertus neque heres eius hunc censum vendere aut invadiare aut in elemosinam dare absque nostro beneplacito poterit et conventia. Si autem Gerbertus vel heres cui census iste hereditario iure proveniet quolibet temeritatis ausu vel debiti servitii substractione feodum suum forefecerit, ipsum nobis censum iure feodi vendicare licebit. Verum ne id quod legitime factum constat, presentium quispiam vel futurorum retractare vel calumpniari presumat, scripto mandavimus testiumque annotatione et sigilli nostri impressione munitum divisimus per cyrographum.a Actum Dominice incarnationis anno MCLIX.


77

Garin, abbot of Homblières

Garin, abbot of Homblières, declares that Helzelin of Origny-Sainte-Benoîte, with the approval of his sister and friends, gave to Homblières the tithe of one piece of land at Brasle for the soul of Gozuin. The monastery returned the tithe on condition that he pay an annual census of one modius of oats. Helzelin’s wife, Helsa, and their sons approved.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 90, with the title “De decima Brasliae et pro ipsa Helselinus miles de Auriniaco singulis annis modium avenae persolvit.” C: H 588, p. 73, with the same title as B, except for “Helzelinus.”

Ind.: Matton, p. 95.

Quia praedecessorum successores tam facta quam dicta oblivioni tradunt plaerumque,a ego Garinus, abbas Sanctae Mariae Humolariensisb ecclesiae et conventus mihi commissus, dignum et rationabilec duxi ut pactio quae inter me et Helzelinumd statuta est scripto memoriae commendaretur. Modernis itaque et posteris diligenter innotescat quod pro anima Goszuini,e sororibus suis et caeteris amicis annuentibus, decima unius terrae in Braslia sita ecclesiae Humolariensi in eleemosyna concessa fuit. Hanc vero decimam Helzelinof de Auriniaco praebuimus tali conditione quod ing singulis annis modium avenae, Helsa uxore sua et filiis laudantibus, ecclesiae Humolariensi censualiterh persolveret. Si vero controversia aliquibus calumniantibus
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pro praedicta decima exorta fuerit, ecclesia Humolariensis auxiliatrix excuterit. Huius rei testes sunt: Garinus abbas, Hubertus prior, Bonardus cellarius, Hilduinus. De clericis: Robertus, Fulbertus, Matthaeus, Thomas. De laicis: Simon, Albricus, Gerardus, Radulfus, Wicardus.i


78

Garin, abbot of Homblières

Garin, abbot of Homblières, exchanged some small pieces of land with the canons of Arrouaise living at Margères. The exchange was made with the consent of Thomas of Roye,2 who held in fief three parcels of land that belonged to Arrouaise, and Roger, who held two pieces of land that Homblières possessed. Homblières retains this document with the seal of Arrouaise, while the canons at Margères will have a charter with the seal of Homblières.

B: Amiens, B.M., MS 1077, Cartulaire d’Arrouaise, fol. 85r-v, with rubric “Cyrographum inter nos et monachis Humolariensis,” copy of 1180-1193. C: Lat. 13911, fol. 55r-v, with the title “De commutatione terrae Cauviniaci3 et Belliloci, quae facta est inter nos et canonicos de Arroisia.” D: H 588, pp. 50-51, with the same title as C.

Ind.: Matton, p. 94. Michel, “Inventaire sommaire,” p. 266.

Notum sit tam praesentis temporis quam futuri omnibus fidelibus quod Garinusa abbas Humolariensisb commutavit quasdam portiunculas terraec quae ad ius ecclesiae de Humolariensisd pertinebant pro alia terra cum canonicis de Arroisiae apud Margellas commanentibus. Donavit scilicet praedictis canonicis partes portiunculae terraef quas ipsi habebantg in vicinio curtis suae de Cheuni,h duas portiunculasi terrae de iure ecclesiae dej Humolariensisk quae sunt in vicinio curtis ipsorum canonicorum de Belloloco, eiusdem quantitatis cuius illae tres sunt partesl quasm ipse abbas a canonicis suscepit. Haec portiuncularumn commutatio facta est consensu et concessione Thomae
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de Roia et Ioannis filii sui de cuius feodo sunt tres illae portiunculaeo quas canonici dederunt abbati de Humbleriis, et petitionep et consensu Rogeri qui cum reliqua terra sua hereditarioq tenore habet de ecclesia de Humbleriisr illas duas portiunculasi quas abbas dedit canonicis. Et quod petitio praedicti Rogeri et consensus in hoc fuerit, testes interfuere. Insuper etiam ipse abbas de Humolariisb concessione conventus sui praefatis canonicis dono remisit suam partem decimae in perpetuum libere et quiete retinendums de particula quae de supradictis duabus portiunculist fossato et saepe separatau est, ad ampliandum hortum sororum apud Bellumlocum manentium. Super hoc inter eos commutatione terrarum et decimae praefatae tam ab abbate quam a conventu libera remissione quatenus firmae et stabilesv in posterum permaneant. In hunc modum inter se scriptum confecerant et sigillorum impressione ita consignaverunt ut ecclesia de Humbleriisr habeat ipsum scriptum consignatum sigillo ecclesiae de Arroisia,e et canonici apud Margellas commanentes idem scriptum habeant signatum sigillo ecclesiae de Humbleriis.r Pactionis huius hiw testes sunt: Warinus abbas de Humbleriis,b Hubertus prior, Hilduinus, Rainerus. De laicis: Balduinus, Faluichx et Rogerus filius eius, Rainardusy maior, Robertus, Bruhris,z Anselmus. De canonicis: Fulbertus abbas de Arroisia,e Evrardus prior, Arnulfus, Petrus. Item de laicis: Thomas et Iohannes filius eius.aa



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79

Garin, abbot of Homblières

Garin, abbot of Homblières, with the consent of the chapter, concedes to Saint-Prix what Odo the Fat gave to Homblières when he became a monk just before his death: 5 s. from the terragium at Attilly, which he held as a fief, and half of the oven at Dallon, which he possessed by inheritance. Odo’s three sons permit Homblières to transfer these properties to Saint-Prix.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 61, with the title “De tribus solidis persolvendis a monachis Sancti Proiecti in festo Sancti Remigii pro terragio de Athelli et pro medietate furni de Dalon.” C: H 588, p. 54, with the same title as B.

Ind.: Matton, p. 95.

Notum sit omnibus sanctae matris ecclesiae filiis fidelibus tam futuris quam praesentibus quod ego Garinus, Dei gratia abbas Humolariensis, pari assensu et consilio capituli nostri, quinque solidos quosa Oddo Crassus pro remedio animae suae in eleemosynam contulit huic ecclesiae, apud nos factus in extremis monachus, quosque in feodo de Rogerio terragio apud Athelli tenebat, et medietatem furni de Dalon quam iure haereditario possidebat,b quamque simul cum praefatis quinque solidis ut superius diximus, tribus filiis concedentibus, in eleemosynam contradidit ecclesiae Sancti Proiecti et fratribus eiusdem loci, haec omnia in perpetuum libere possidenda praesentibus solidis ecclesiae in festo Sancti Remigii persolvendis solemniter concedimus. Nolumus igitur quempiam posterorum ignorare de praefata medietate furni praedictum Oddonem, praesentibus atque laudantibus tribus filiis suis, sic ordinasse quod quicumque mansum ad quem spectabat medietas furni in terra arabili atquec hospitibus possideret, integrum censum totius mansi in perpetuum persolveret pactionis huius. Hi testes sunt: Gaurinus abbas, Rainardus abbas, Balduinus prior, Ricardus, Hugo, Hubertus prior, Hilduinus, Harduinus.



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79A

Hugh, abbot of Saint-Amand-les-Eaux

Hugh, abbot of Saint-Amand-les-Eaux [and formerly abbot of Homblières], writes a letter of consolation to the monks of Homblières over the death of their abbot Garin. He also offers to participate in the election of their new abbot.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 99 (a single folio of paper attached to lat. 13911 and in a different hand from the rest of the manuscript), with the title “H[ugo] abbas Sancti Amandi Humolarienses consolatur de morte sui abbatis.”

Pub.: (a) Martène and Durand, Thesaurus novus anecdotorum, 1:443-444, “from a manuscript of Saint-Amand.” (b) Duvivier, 1:279-280, from B.

Frater H[ugo], humilis minister ecclesiae Sancti Amandi, carissimo sibia priori H[uberto] dilectissimisb etiam fratribus Humolariensis monasterii, pusillis cum maioribus spiritum consilii, cum spiritu consolationis. Verissima est illa beati apostoli sententia, quoniam cum patitur unum membrum, compatiuntur omnia membra. Siquidem, quoniam sumus invicem membra quadam speciali subministratione per gratiam Dei connexa, non possum mihi imperare quin doleam, cum angelicum vestrum conventum dolere scio; non possum ab animo meo avertere dolorem, quin mei desolationem lugeam cum vestri desolationem audio. Nec dissimulare possumc quin mihi sit dulcior affectus et sincerior ad vos dilectio, quibus olim etsi indignus servus ordinatus sum pastoralis regiminis sollicitudinem exhibere, qui etiam fuistis gaudium meumd et corona mea, cum essem in medio vestrum sicut qui ministrat. Et ego, audito nuntio, quod cordi meo grave vulnus inflixit, de obitu mihi admodum carissimi et iam non sine lachrymise memorandi domini abbatis G[arini], laboriosas actiones et anxias occupationes quas Lia lippiens mihi pro Rachel servienti importune suggerit, omnimodis abieceram etf ad vestrum religiosum conventum,f si quomodo possem consolandum ire disposueram, cum ecce dominusg noster Tornacensium episcopus molestia corporali ad mortis usque exitum, ut putatur, laborans non equo sed navi ad ecclesiam nostram adductus est. Intelligit autem prudentia vestra quod nulla ratione subterfugiendum sed omni modis congruum et dignum fuit, ut eum praesentes exciperemus, et ei necessaria tanquamh episcopo nostro et excellentissimae religionis monacho diligenter provideremus. Porro nos et fratres nostri pro vobisi divinae maiestati orationum ordoramenta adolere curabimus, et ut in eligendo
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vobis pastore, cooperante Spiritus Sancti gratia, recta sapiatis et recta faciatis obnixius deprecabimur. Quod si ipsam electionem oportuniori temporij reservare volueritis, transacta proxima feria quarta, Deo propitio, humilitatem nostram presentem habebitis. Valete.


80

The knight Simon of Essigny-le-Grand

The knight Simon of Essigny-le-Grand and his brother gave to Homblières, for their souls, land in the territory of Sorbi, with the approval of their wives, sons, sisters, and nephews John le Fras, Robert of Villette, Philip Rut, and James Signus. The transfer was witnessed and conceded by Guy [II] of Moy and his son Guy of Englancourt,1 from whose fief this land moves. Other witnesses include Saracen, castellan of La Fère,2 knights, and peasants.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 68, without title. C: H 588, pp. 60-61, without title.

Ind.: Matton, p. 95.

In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis. Notum fieri volumus universis sanctae matris ecclesiae filiis tam praesentibus quam futuris quod quidam miles de Aysseni, Simon nomine, cum fratre suo Willelmoa duas modiatas terrae et dimidiam deb territorio de Sorbi adiacentes praescriptis, impositionem super altare beatae Mariae semper virginis ecclesiae Humolariensi, pro animarum suarum remedio in eleemosynam tradiderunt. Huius autem eleemosynae donationem laudaverunt et concesserunt iam dictorum militum uxores et filii, sorores etiam eorumdem vel nepotes quorum nomina haec sunt: Ioannes le Fras et Robertus de Vilettec et Philippus Rut et Iacob Signus. Huius pactionis testes et concessores fuerunt: Wido de Moy eiusdem quoque filius Wido de Asleincourt et ipsorum posteri de quorum feodo haec eadem terra descendere videtur. Ne quis igitur malefactorum hanc in posterum eleemosynam tam legitima donatione concessam inquietare vel etiam auferre, quod absit, praesumat, fideles quam plurimos qui huius rei testes extiterunt subter annotavimus, ipsumque malefactorem nisi pro commisso facinore poenitentiam
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agens resipuerit, et prout sanctae ecclesiae instituta se habent Humolariensid ecclesiae satisfecerit, perpetui anathematis vinculo obligavimus. Signum domini Raineri abbatis. Signum Huberti prioris. Signum Rainaldi. Signum Petri. De militibus: Signum Wenrici Vastel.e Signum Godefridi def Coudre.3 Signum Gaulteri Lecaitif nepotis ipsius. Signum Venrici praepositi de Insula. Signum Widonis de Ucceon. Signum Sarraceni castellani de Feria. De rusticis: Signum Stephani Libret de Urvillari.g Signum Radulfi Nitart et fratris eius. Signum Amisardi Lomelh et filii eius. Actum in monasterio Humolariensi anno ab incarnatione Domini MCLXI. In praesentia domini Raineri abbatis sub Ludovico Galliarum rege, regnante autem Domino nostro Iesu Christo per omnia saecula saeculorum. Amen.


81

Elizabeth

A notice states that Elizabeth, wife of Wicard the Elder, knight of Morcourt, felt her death imminent and with the advice and consent of Wicard and their son William of Benay gave to Homblières, in which she wished to be buried, three modiatae of her inherited land located between Chelinvillier and the monastery’s woods of Authuin.2 Wicard himself became a monk at Homblières and donated his inheritance at Bernot and his share of the land that he held with Gerbert Rapin3 at Fresnoy-le-Grand. Gerbert, however, had already become a monk at Homblières at the approach of his own death, and had promised to give both his and Wicard’s share of their land to the monastery. It was agreed that if Wicard did not consent to the alienation of his share, Gerbert would designate an equivalent amount of land that his son Robert would transfer to the abbey before Gerbert’s death.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 73, with the title “De terra quam dedit nobis Elizabeth uxor Wicardi et de quadam parte alodiorum quam dedit nobis idem Wicardus de Benais apud Bernort.” C: H 588, pp. 63-64, with the same title as B, except for “Elisabeth.”

Ind.: Matton, p. 95.


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Elizabeth,a uxor Wicardi militis senioris de Morecurt, durae infirmitatis tacta incommodo, cum et iam diem mortis suae imminere sentiret, consilio et assensu eiusdem Wicardi mariti sui et filii sui Wuillelmi de Benais, huic ecclesiae in qua et ipsa priusb modum defuncta tumulata requiescit, dedit tres modiatas terrae quae a praedecessoribus suis ei remanserant, quae terra sita est inter Chelinvillierc et nemus nostrum Authuin. Ipseque Wicardus tandem,d Deo inspirante, in hoc monasterio monachus effectus, concessit nobis iure perpetuo habendum quidquid in alodiis de Bronosco haereditariee possidebat etf partem suam unius terrae quam cum Gerberto Rapine habebat apud Fraisnote. Idem autem Gerbertus, antequam praedictus miles Wicardus monachus efficeretur, in extremis ad nos confugiens et monachicum habitum in morte suscipiens, totam terram illamg partem suam scilicet et partem Wicardi in eleemosynam huic ecclesiae se daturum promisit. Si quando apud Wicardum obtinere non potuith ut pars ipsius Wicardi cum parte sua nobis firmiter daretur, idem Gerbertus tantumdem terrae et tam valentis quantum spatii pars Wicardi obtinebat per Robertum filium suum qui prius mortem patrisi rem peracturus erat alibi de terra sua nobis se assignaturumj spopondit. Hoc laudaverunt ipse Gerbertus Rapine et Robertus filius eius et filiae ipsius Gerberti Rapine, et omnes alii amici sui cum uxoribus et liberis.


82

Rainer, abbot of Homblières

Rainer, abbot of Homblières, announces an exchange of several lands and tithes with the church of Notre-Dame of Vicoigne in order to end disputes between the two monasteries.

B: Nord, A.D., 59 H 95, Cartulaire de Vicoigne, fols. 31v-32r, no. 33, with the title “De concordia inter nos et ecclesiam Humolariensem facta,” copy of the 13th c.

Ind.: Piétresson de Saint-Aubin, 2:264.


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In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti, amen. Mutabilitatis humane natura plerumque cogit a memoria labi quod perutile fuerat a mortalibus retineri. Iccirco necessarie scribitur cyrographum quod fieri solet finis controversiarum. Ego igitur Rainerus, Humolariensium minister indignus, notum fieri volo tam futuris quam presentibus quod conservande pacis ac dilectionis gratia haea terrarum ac decimarum commutationes inter nostram et ecclesiam beate Marie de Casa Dei facte sint. Dedimus equidem campum de Morocurt pro campo qui est in nemore Aution, sartum Wandelgeir pro quodam campo qui est in territorio de Curcellis, campum etiam qui est de dote altaris de Ruvereo et campum qui de territorio Morincurtis est pro decimis quas iam dicta ecclesia in utroque territorio accipiebat. In territoriis etiam prefatis ubicumque terram coluerint, decimas ut ceteri cultores dabunt. Ad huius igitur pactionis et commutationis stabilitatem, hanc scripsimus cartulam idoneis testibus sigillorumque impressionibus confirmatam. Signum Raineri abbatis Humolariensis. Signum Geraldi abbatis de Casa Dei. Signum Huberti prioris. Signum Rainaldi. Signum Egidii. Signum Gerardi diaconi. Signum Symonis. Signum Iacobi. Signum Petri prioris de Casa Dei. Signum Oliveri et Godefridi sacerdotum. Signum Odonis et Arnulfi diaconorum. Signum Goberti ac Gerardi subdiaconorum.


83

Rainer, a knight of the villa of Homblières

Rainer,2 a knight of the villa of Homblières who was seriously ill, was granted permission to become a monk, after which he sold to the monastery for 40 l. all that he held from Homblières by hereditary right in that villa: lands, hospites, half an oven, and all else. Since Rainer had mortgaged the half oven to some townsmen of Saint-Quentin for 14 l., the monastery had to pay off the creditors, and thus paid out a total of 54 l. In addition, another piece of land that Rainer held in fief from the wife of Simon, knight of Attilly, had to be redeemed for 30 l., with the approval of Simon, his wife, and their children and in return for a cup, a palfrey, and ten solidi.


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B: Lat. 13911, fol. 72r-v, with the title “De duobus feodis Raineri Longi monachi nostri quos habemus in vadimonio.” C: H 588, pp. 62-63, with the same title as B.

Ind.: Matton, p. 95.

Homo unus in hac villa Humolariensi commanens, Rainerus nomine, corporeae infirmitatis molestia graviter oppressus, tam per se quam per amicos suos, abbatem loci huius qui tunc temporis erat et monachos satis humiliter rogavit ut infra hoc monasterium cum monachis pro monacho suscipi mereretur. Cuius tam devotae petitioni abbas et monachi prout dignum erat benignissime assentientes eum aegrotantem infra monasterium susceperunt et ei habitum religionis tradiderunt. Ille autem pro collato sibi beneficio quidquid intraa istam villam et quidquid extra villam in terris, in hospitibus, et in medietate unius furni, vel in aliis quibuslibet rebus haereditario iure tenebat ab ecclesia ista totum sub pretio XL librarum catalaunensis monetae redimendum in eleemosynam huic ecclesiae donavit. Sciendum tamen est quod antequam idem Rainerus habitum monachi habuisset, super medietatem suam furni istius villae mutuo accepit XIV libras a quibusdamb burgensibus Sancti Quintini, quos denarios monachi nostri de proprio ecclesiae iam dictis creditoribus persolverunt, et ita partem illam quae Rainero competebat ad opus ecclesiae redemerunt. Noverit igitur quisque fidelium quam si aliquis ex propinquis Raineri propinquior, scilicet ipsius haeres, totum hoc quod ipsum Rainerum ab ecclesia istac tenere diximus, redimere, LIV libras ecclesiae persolvere, XL propter eleemosynam, XIV propter proprietatem quam in redemptione furni exsolvit.d Alteram quoque terram quam idem Rainerus tenebat de feodo unius dominae, uxoris videlicet domini Simonis de Attelli, sub pretio XXX librarum, viromandensis monetae, redimenda, in eleemosynam similiter huic ecclesiae tradita.e Hoc laudaverunt eadem domina et Simon iam dictus miles maritus eius et liberi ipsorum acceptis ab ecclesia ista pro eadem concessione sciphof uno, palefrido uno, et X solidis ambarum scilicet pactionum sicut praenotatae sunt. Multi fidelium testes fuerunt, quorum nomina hic annotare nobis aestimo necessarium. Signum dominig Raineri abbatis. Signum Huberti prioris. Signum Aegidii thesaurarii. Signum Rainaldi. Signum Gossuini.h Signum Bertulfi. Signum Rogeri cantoris. Signum Simonis. Signum Rainaldi.h Signum Ricardi. Signum Ioannis. Signum ipsius Raineri huius rei authoris. Signum Gerardi Leprosi. Signum Walteri maioris. Signum Simonis militis de Attelli.i Signum uxoris eius. Signum Simonis Tuevilain.j Signum Radulfi Molineri. Signum Albrici Walbrun.k Signum Roberti
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L’Escuyer. Signum Roberti de Sairi. Signum Walteri coci. Signum Clarembaldis. Signum Walteri fabri. Signum Hermandi coci.


84

Peter the Aged, a knight of Rouvroy

Peter the Aged, a knight of Rouvroy who became a monk at Homblières because of a grave illness and fear of death, gave the monastery all the land he inherited on the right side [of the road] going to Tilloy and all his land extending from the exit of the monastery’s woods in the direction of Tilloy. Guy [II], his son Guy of Moy, and their wives and children, from whom Peter held that land, praised the transfer and for 6 l. further conceded to Homblières, by branch and turf placed on the altar, the ban and jurisdiction over cases of robbery and bloodshed.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 71, with the title “De terra quam dedit nobis Petrus miles de Ruvereio cognomento Vetula monachus noster.” C: H 588, p. 62, with the same title as B.

Ind.: Matton, p. 95.

Miles unus de Ruvereio Petrus cognomento Vetula, gravissima infirmitate fatigatus, Domino, ut credimus, ipsum vocante, timore mortis in hoc monasterio Humolariensi habitum religionis suscepit, et quidquid terrae habebat a dextra parte euntium ab hac villa ad Tilloie scilicet, Euche, Linvileir et Santherollesa et, ut expressius dicam, totam terram suam quae extenditur a nemore nostro euntium circumquaque ad Tilloie haereditario iure huic loco perpetualiter possidendum reliquit. Hoc itaque laudaverunt Wido Senex et eiusdem Widonis filius, Wido iunior de Moy, cum uxoribus suis et liberis sub quorum dominio idem Petrus Vetula [tenebat] terram illam. Acceptisque ab ecclesia pro eadem concessione sex denariorum libris, bannum, latronem,b sanguinem, et quidquid iuris in eadem terra vel feodo praescripti milites se habere dicebant per rami et cespitesc super altare impositionem totum ecclesiae iure perpetuo tenendum multis fidelibus coramd positis concesserunt. Istud etiam confirmatione facta laudaverunt eiusdem Petri uxor et duae filiae ipsius in praesentia domini Ingelberti
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decani et Hellini presbyteri dee Ruvereiof et Arnulfi presbyteri de Morecurt et aliorum plurimorum fidelium utriusque sexus quorum nomina subter annotavimus. Signum ipsius Petri Vetulae huius reig actoris. Signum uxoris eiusdem. Signum filiarum eius. Signum Widonis Senioris de Moy. Signum Widonis filii eius. Signum uxorum eorumdemque liberorum. Signum domini Petri abbatis. Signum Rainaldi prioris. Signum Huberti. Signum Hugonis Calvi. Signum Bertulfi. Signum Ioannis. Signum Simonis Tuevilain. Signum Albrici Walbrun.h Signum Walteri de Marci.i


85

Henry, archbishop of Reims

A report of a dispute between the monasteries of Vicoigne and Homblières over some land next to the ditch of Brunellum states that Henry, archbishop of Reims,1 delegated the abbot of Saint-Remi of Reims2 and Philip, abbot of L’Aumône,3 to settle the matter and requested that Baldwin, abbot of Saint-Quentin-en-l’Ile from whom Vicoigne held the land, guarantee the judgment. It was decided that Baldwin should give the land to Vicoigne.

B: Nord, A.D., 59 H 95, Cartulaire de Vicoigne, fol. 81r, no. 131, with the title “De concordia inter ecclesias Viconiensem et Humolariensem,” copy of the 13th c.

Ind.: Piétresson de Saint-Aubin, 2:264.

Inter ecclesiam de Casa Dei Viconia et ecclesiam Humolariensem orta fuit contentio pro quadam terra iuxta Brunelli fossam iacente. Hanc vero causam dominus Henricus, Remorum archiepiscopus, terminandam commisit abbati Sancti Remigii et domino Philippo abbati de Elemosina. Ceterum quam ecclesia Viconiensis iam dictam terram ab ecclesia Sancti Quintini de Insula tenebat, dominum Balduinum abbatem eiusdem ecclesie ut ei guarandiam portaret adiit. Denique iudiciali sententia diffinitum est quod abbas Balduinus sacramento prefatam terram ecclesie Viconiensi disrationaret. Iuravit autem in presentia memoratorum iudicum abbas scilicet Sancti Remigii et domini Philippi, ipse et sequaces eius viri honesti: dominus Bernardus presbyter et Udo cognomento Narina, Symon quoque filius
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 165 ]] 
Nevelonis canonici. Huius diffinitionis testes fuerunt Balduinus prior et Walbertus subprior, Rogerus Calvus. Actum anno MCLXVII.


86

Wazelin, a knight of Méchambre

A notice states that Stephen, a knight, gave his allod to Notre-Dame of Homblières so that the monks would bury him in the monastery. Not long after, Wazelin, a knight of Méchambre, asked to hold that allod for an annual census of 4s., a sum so small that he promised in addition to provide the monks aid and counsel whenever the need arose. If he does not pay the census on time, he will be summoned to the monastery’s court.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 38, with the title “De alodio apud Mecumiam sito quod dedit Stephanus miles Sanctae Mariae.” C: H 588, p. 36, with the same title as B.

Ind: Matton, p. 94.

In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis, Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti. Notum sit omnibus Dei fidelibus quod Stephanus miles, filius Evrardi militis, quoddam alodium suum quietum et liberum tradidit Sanctae Mariae loco scilicet Humolariensi in usus fratrum Deo ibi militantium videlicet ut ipsi fratres eum ibidema sepelirent et ut animae eius apud Dominum subvenirent. Post non multum vero temporis venit ad nos Waszelinus,b miles de Mecumia, petens ut idem alodium concederemus ei sub censu annuali scilicet quatuor solidorum quos persolvet quotannis in natali Sancti Quintini. Ipsius autem alodii censum sub tam parva quantitate determinavimus, non ob aliud nisi quam auxilium et consilium suum nobis promisit affuturum idem Waszelinus quoties eveniet locus. Censum vero nisi in supradictoc festo persolverit, perinde ad placitum nostrum, si monitus fuerit, veniet et eos cum lege persolvet.



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87

Notice

This notice states that the two sons of Wenric Vastel,2 Matthew and Cauret, with their sister’s consent, gave to Notre-Dame of Homblières two modii of wheat from the tithe of Fontaine-Uterte. Their uncle Simon of Urvillers3 approved, as did Rainer [II] Bigos, seneschal of Vermandois,4 from whose fief the tithe derived. This gift was made by placing branch and turf on the altar.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 70, with the title “De duobus modiis frumenti quos habemus in decima de Fontanis in Colle.” C: H 588, pp. 61-62, with the same title as B except for “Fontanis in Valle”; a later hand added “in Colle, Fontaine d’Uterte.”

Ind.: Matton, p. 95.

Quoniam omni generationi alia succedit generatio quia universa quae quotidie a mortalibus aguntur in litteris inserta fuerint oblivionia tradita penitus delentur, aliqua quae nostris temporibus ex devota fidelium largitioneb huic ecclesiae nostrae attributac sunt nostris et posterorum nostrorum utilitatibus Pliniumd consulentes litteris mandare curavimus. Noverint igitur praesentes, noverint etiam futuri quod duo filii Wenrici, Cauret et Mathaeie scilicet, sorore eorumdem assentiente, pro suis et parentum suorum animabus dederunt Deo et Sanctae Mariae Humolariensif et monachis inibi versantibus in eleemosynam duos modios frumenti in decima de Fontanis in Colle. Hoc itaque laudaverunt ipsi duo fratres et Simon de Ursvillari, avunculi eorum, et Rainerus Bigos, Vermandensis dapifer, de cuius feodo ipsa, quam praediximus, decima descendit et per ramum et per cespitem devote et humiliter eamdem eleemosynam super altare offerentes se suosque posteros ea quae dicta sunt in perpetuum servaturos multis fidelium quorum nomina subtus annotata sunt coram adstantibus firmaverunt. Signum ipsorumg duorum fratrum Matthaeih et [Caureti].i Signum [      ]i sororis eorum. Signum Raineri dapiferi et Wenrici Vastel. Signum Drogonis de Duvellun.j De monachis: Signum domini Petri abbatis. Signum Rainaldi prioris. Signum Huberti. Signum Hugonis Calvi. Signum Rogeri et Walteri praepositi. Signum Ioannis. Signum Richardi. Signum Iacobi.k De clericis: Signum magistri Martini. De hominibus istius villae: Signum Simonis Tuevilain. Signum Albrici Walebrun. Signum Walteri de Marci.



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88

Pope Alexander III

Pope Alexander III confirms the named possessions1 of Notre-Dame of Homblières and places it under the protection of the Holy See. The pope also grants exemption from tithe of newly cleared lands that the monks cultivate by their own hands, the right to bury on its grounds anyone not under excommunication or interdict, and the election of their abbot by the common consent of all the monks or by those with the wiser counsel.

B: Lat. 13911, fols. 1-3r, without title. C: H 588, pp. 1-4, without title.

Pub.: (a) Ramackers, pp. 239-242, no. 117, based on C (formulae abbreviated).

Ind.: Matton, p. 93. Jaffé-Wattenbach, no. 11598. GC, 9:1078. Lohrmann, Pasturkunden, p. 122, no. 7.


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Alexander episcopus servus servorum Dei, dilectis filiis Petro abbati monasterii Sanctae Mariae et Sanctae Hunegundis virginis, quae Humolariensis vocatur ecclesiae, eiusque fratribus tam praesentibus quam futuris regularem vitam professis in perpetuum. Quotiens illud a nobis petitur quod religioni et honestati convenire dignoscitur, animoa nos decet libenti concedere et petentium desideriis congruum suffragium impertire. Ea propter, dilecti in Domino filii, vestris iustis postulationibus clementer annuimus et praefatum monasterium sanctae Dei genitricis semperque virginis Mariae atque Hunegundis, in quo divino estis obsequio mancipati, sub beati Petri et nostra protectione suscipimus et praesentis scripti privilegio communimus. In primis equidem statuentes ut ordo monasticus, qui secundum Deum et beati Benedicti regulam in eodem monasterio institutus esse dignoscitur, perpetuis ibidem temporibus inviolabiliterb observetur. Praeterea quascumque possessiones, quaecumque bona idem monasterium in praesentiarum iuste et canonice possidet aut in futurum concessione pontificum, largitione regum vel principum, oblatione fidelium, seu aliis iustisc modis praestante Domino poterit adipisci, firma vobis vestrisque successoribus et illibata permanent. In quibus haec propriisd duximus exprimenda vocabulis: Vineam quam habetis apud Laudunum subtus refectorium Sancti Vincentii. Apud Semeliacum vineam unam. Apud Moncellum mansuram unam et quatuor vineas quas ibidem habetis, vineam videlicet Anselmi, vineam in manso Riccardi, vineam in manso Iuvini, vineam Petura. Apud Montem Nautolii vineam unam et pratum de Filanis. Apud Ursellum curtem cum vineis quas emistis a monachis Sancti Salvatoris Aquicincti.2 Omnes etiam alias vineas quas apud Ursellum habetis, videlicet apud Mailli tres faissas. In Criptella vineam unam. Apud Villare duas vineas et vineam quae dicitur Falva. Apud Villemoncel unam. Apud aliam Villemoncel unam. In Valle Proillie unam.f In Fundo item unam. In Lateritiis item unam. In mediano Lateritio unam. In Lateritio Ernaldi unam, retro ecclesiam unam. Apud Fait unam. In Camberone duas faisas.g Item apud Ursellum tres faisas hortorum et tria nemora quorum duo tenetis cum Hermundo, tertium cum monachis Sancti Vincentii; duo etiam nemora quae tenetis cum domina Eruburga, et hortum quem tenetis cum illis de hospitali et cum domina Eruburga.h Item duo prata quorum unum tenetis cum Anselmo Peregrino et aliud per vos vinagisi vestra de Montibus. Apud Mecuniam quatuor solidos de censu et sextam gerbam de alia terra, quartam partem de omni decima de Perroit quam reddidit vobis Gerardus miles, filius Evrardi de Morencavenu. Novem modios frumenti et
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 169 ]] 
unum modium avenae quos vobis dat ecclesia Praemonstratensis pro terra vestra de Ferrariis. Apud Maseriasj decimam et altare hospitagia de Halincurt. Apud Sairiacum sex solidos de censu. Castellionem curtem vestram cum terris, pratis et hospitibus, duo molendina et altare et decimam. Apud Sessiacum hospicium, censum, terras et duo prata, sextam partem totius decimae de Tenesla.k Curtem de Bernotl et duas partes decimae, tertiam partem allodiorum, in parte etiam Gerardi3 quartam partem, in parte conversorum de Monasteriolo quintam, et modium unum frumenti quem iidem conversi vobis persolvunt. Decimam de Graisle. Apud Vaudencurt XX solidos de censu pro terra sanctae Hunegundis, tertiam apud Arsunvillam, tertiam de Leheriis, in allodiis de Luveniis sextam partem. Apud Gauchym duos solidos. Altare de Seguuncurt, et decimam maiorem et minorem, furnum et medietatem terrae cultae et incultae intra villam et extra villam. Quartam partem in toto territorio de Resteutes.n De terra vestra de Landrecurto XX modios frumenti quos recipitis a conversis Clarifontis; altare eiusdem villae cum decima tota. Apud Fraxinetum curtem, villam, altare, terras cultas et incultas, nemora et decimam. Decimam de Reuloco. Terram de Govilla.p Curtem de Curcellis cum duobus molendinis et vinariis et caeteris omnibus quae ibidem habetis. Curtem quae dicitur Morrecourt,q et villam et decimam; terras et molendinum et vinariumr de Branecourts quod dedit vobis Galterus Oisons.4 Aquam de Lucuriis.t Apud Rouveriumu altare, terras, furnum, hospites et censum. Apud Harliv furnum, terras et censum. Quidquid habetis apud Sanctum Quintinum in castello et ad portam claustralem. Apud Remicurtw hospites et censum, XII modios frumenti et tres modios avenae quos solvit vobis ecclesia Sancti Martini. Quidquid habetis apud Lauci intra villam et extra villam, terram, census et hospites. Curtem quae vocatur Frisia, medietatem unius furni de Peron[a]. Curtem quae vocatur Abbatis villa et terram de Brunanfossa. Sartum de Pericelieu. Terram quam tenetis sub militibus de Brenort sub nova garba iuxta territorium Fontanen[sem].5 Apud Abbatis villam tres modiatas terrae, furnum et sex curtilia de Fontanis. Curtem de Marchi, altare, terras et decimam. Sartum quod tenetis a Raim[baldo] milite sub nova garba, tres modiatas terrae quas dedit vobis uxor Wicard[i] de Benais.6 Terram quam Petrus Vetula dedit vobis.7 III modios frumenti in molendino de Roumancourt, et dimidium modium in eadem villa. Duosx modios frumenti in decima de Fontanis in Colle.8 Modiumy frumenti quem dedit vobis Almaericus.y Modium quem dedit vobis Paganus.9 Duas modiatas terrae et dimidium in territorio de Sorbi.10 Altare de Urvillari et tertiam
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partem decimae Lambais cum appendiciis suis. Caciacum cum consuetudinibus suis, molendinum, terras, nemora, hospites et censum. Duas modiatas terrae quas dedit vobis Petrus de Lico. Apud Ruminiacumz censum et hospites, terram et nemus. Cauviniacumaa cum appendiciis suis; libertatem curtis quam dedit vobis Gerardus dominus Hamensis.11 Apud Fonsomas hospitagia. Apud Troncoit modium frumenti et dimidium modium avenae. Sane novalium vestrorum quae propriis manibus aut sumptibus colitis, sive de nutrimentisbb vestrorum animalium nullus a vobis decimas exigere praesumat. Sepulturam quoque ipsius loci liberam esse concedimus ut eorum devotioni et extremae voluntati qui se illic sepeliri deliberaverint, nisi excommunicati vel interdicti sint. Nullus obsistat salva institia matricis ecclesiae. Obeunte vero te loci eiusdem abbate vel tuorum quolibet successorum nullus ibi qualibet subreptionis astutia seu violentia praeponatur, nisi quem fratres communi consensu vel fratrum pars consilii sanioris secundum Deum et beati Benedicti regulam providerint eligendum. Decernimus ergo ut nulli omnino hominum liceat praefatum monasterium temere perturbare aut eius possessionem auferre vel ablatas retinere, minuere seu quibuslibet vexationibus fatigare, sed omnia integra conserventur eorum pro quorum gubernatione ac sustentatione concessa sunt usibus omnimodis profutura, salva nimirum sedis apostolicae authoritate et diocesani episcopi canonica iustitia. Si qua igitur in futurum ecclesiastica saecularisve persona hanc nostrae constitutionis paginam sciens contra eam venire temere tentaverit, secundo tertiove commonita, nisi reatum suum congrua satisfactione correxerit,cc potestatis honorisque sui dignitate careat reamque se divino iudicio existere de perpetrata iniquitate cognoscat et a sacratissimo corpore ac sanguine Dei et Domini redemptoris nostri Iesu Christi aliena fiat, atque in extremo examine districtae ultioni subiaceat. Cunctis autem eidem loco sua iura servantibus sit pax Domini nostri Iesu Christi quatenus et hic et in futurum fructum bonae actionis percipiant, et apud districtum iudicem praemia aeternae pacis inveniant. Amen. Amen. Ego Alexander catholicae ecclesiae episcopus. [sigillum, monogramma] Ego Hubaldus Ostiensis episcopus. Ego Bernardus Portuensis episcopus. Ego Hubaldus presbyter cardinalis titulidd Sanctae Crucis in Hierusalem.ee Ego Ioannes presbyter cardinalis tituli Sanctae Anastasiae. Ego Albertusff presbyter cardinalis tituli Sancti Laurentii in Lucina. Ego Bosoff presbyter cardinalis Sanctae Pudentianae tituli Pastoris. Ego Petrus presbyter cardinalis tituli Sancti Laurentii in Damaso. Ego Ioannes presbyter cardinalis titulidd Sancti Marci. Ego Theodinus presbyter
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cardinalisgg Sancti Vitalis titulihh Vestinae. Ego Arditioii diaconus cardinalis Sancti Theodori. Ego Hugo diaconus cardinalis Sancti Eustachii iuxta templum Agrippae. Ego Vitellus diaconus cardinalis Sanctorum Sergii et Bacchi. Datum Beneventi per manum Gratiani Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae subdiaconi et notarii, IV nonas martii, indictione II, incarnationis Dominicae MCLXVIII. Pontificatus vero domini Alexandri papae III anno decimo.


89

Pope Alexander III

Pope Alexander [III] directs the bishop [Milo II] of Thérouanne and the abbot [Hugh]2 of Mont-Saint-Quentin to settle a dispute over a certain wood [in Montigny-en-Arrouaise]3 between R[ichard I], abbot of Saint-Nicolas of Ribemont, P[eter], abbot of Homblières, the abbess of Montreuil-les-Dames, and G[erard], knight of Bernot. The case reached the pope on appeal after it had been argued for a long time and had already been mediated by Cardinal Odo, whose decision was accepted only by Ribemont.4 The pope directs that if the parties cannot reach an amicable agreement in the presence of the arbiters, the case should be terminated by binding arbitration.5

Pub.: (a) Martène and Durand, Amplissima collectio, 2:793-794. (b) PL, 200: 530-531, copy of a.


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Ind.: Wauters, 2:497. Jaffé-Wattenbach, 2: no. 11496. Bled, p. 161, no. 820. Lohrmann, Papsturkunden, p. 122, no. 8. Not in Stein, Cartulaire.

Alexander,a Morinensi episcopo et abbati Sancti Quintini de Monte. Cum inter dilectos filios nostros R[icardum] Sancti Nicolai de Ribemonte6 et P[etrum] Humolariensem abbates, et de Monasteriolo abbatissam, et G[erardum] militem de Brenoth, de nemore quodam causa diutius ventilata fuisset, ad nostram tandem fuit audientiam per appellationem delata. Postremo autem tam priore Sancti Nicolai, quam responsalibus adversae partis in nostra praesentia constitutis, cum quisque assereret praescriptum nemus ad suum ius pertinere et idem prior causam ipsam, mediante dilecto filio nostro Odone Sancti Nicolai in Carcere Tulliano diacono cardinali, compositione interveniente, decisam fuisse constanter asseveraret, altera pars compositionem non fuisse factam de assensu praedictarum ecclesiarum et militis proposuit. Adiecit insuper quod ab eadem compositione fuerit resilitum et postea praedictus abbas Sancti Nicolai praescriptum nemus tenuit ad censum, licet prior, qui pro eo venerat, id omnino diffiteretur. Unde quia nec super his quae hinc inde allegabantur, nec de meritis causae nos poterant ad plenum certificare, nos decisioni ipsius negotii supersedentes, ipsum experientiae vestrae committimus audiendum et appellatione remota fine congruo terminandum. Quocirca discretioni vestrae per apostolica scripta mandamus, quatinus in unum pariter convenientes et partes ante praesentiam vestram convocantes, inter eos pacifice et amicabiliter componere studeatis. Quod si hoc fieri non poterit, rationibus hinc inde auditis diligenter et cognitis eamdem causam, appellatione cessante, iustitia terminetis. Si vero compositionem quae mediante praedicto cardinali facta dicitur, aut arbitrium ab eodem cardinali post compromissionem in eum factam prolatum abbas forte Sancti Nicolai praetenderit, nolumus quod iustitiae alterius partis, nisi rationabiliter constiterit, quod de communi compromissione partium prolatum, aliquod debeat praeiudicium generare. Si autem compositio de beneplacito et voluntate eorumdem trium capitulorum et eiusdem militis facta fuit, seu arbitrium de communi compromissione partium prolatum, aut etiam compositio postea a partibus extitit rata, volumus ut compositio seu arbitrium debeat stare. Si vero huic rei ambo interesse non poteritis, alter vestrum non minus negotium ipsum, ut praedictum est, exsequatur. Data Beneventi, XVI kalendas aprilis.



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90

A bull of Alexander III 1

A bull of Alexander III for Saint-Vincent of Laon states that Saint-Vincent holds land at Méchambre from Homblières.

B: Coll. Picardie, vol. 267, fols. 240-241, copy of 18th c.

Pub.: (a) Ramackers, p. 261, no. 133.

. . . apud Mechumiam terram Iohannis Piece quam ab ecclesia Humolariensi assensu abbatis et capituli sub censu quatuor solidorum tenetis . . .


91

Baldwin [III], bishop of Noyon

Baldwin [III], bishop of Noyon, announces the settlement of a long-standing dispute between the monasteries of Homblières and Saint-Nicolas-des-Prés [of Ribemont] over the tithe of newly cleared lands (novales) in the territories of Abbeville and Fontaine-Notre-Dame. Saint-Nicolas will collect tithes from lands cleared before the bull of Eugenius [III] (act no. 59, of 1147) and Homblières will have the tithes from those cleared after that date. The papal bull was examined and found to have been granted twenty-five years ago. Each party issued a charter that was presented for confirmation to Baldwin, who sealed this chirograph.

B: A.N., LL 1015, Cartulaire de Saint-Nicolas-des-Prés, fols. 59v-60r, with the title “De ecclesia Humolariensi,” copy of ca. 1250.

Pub.: (a) Stein, Cartulaire, pp. 121-122, no. 65.


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Ad pontificale officium spectat ea que in lite versantur vel ad pacis vinculum, si fieri potest, reformare vel mediante iusticia decidere. Ego igitur Balduinus, Dei gratia Noviomensis dictus episcopus, tam presentibus quam futuris notum fieri volo quod controversia diu habita inter ecclesiam Humolariensem et ecclesiam Sancti Nicholai de Pratis super decimatione novalium in territorio de Abbatisvilla et de Fontanis consistentium, tandem per Dei gratiam ex utriusque ecclesie capitulorum assensu, ad hanc devenit concordiam: quod ecclesia Humolariensis in novalibus illis que, ante datum privilegium a domino Eugenio papa sancte recordationis exinde factum, ab eadem ecclesia facta fuerunt, nullas decimas percipiet, sed ecclesie Sancti Nicholai perpetuo percipiendas in pace dimittet. In his vero que postea a supradicta ecclesia facta fuerunt, ecclesia Sancti Nicholai nullas decimas habebit sed libere et quiete ecclesia Humolariensis possidebit. Tempus quoque iam dictum privilegium Humolariensis ecclesie indultum fuit, sicut ex ipsius inspectione pro certo percepimus, diligenter notantes, huic scripto inservimus. Cum enim hec nostre constitutionis pagina facta fuit, spacium XXV annorum transierat. Hanc concordiam utraque approbavit ecclesia et proprio scripto confirmavit, nobisque per duos monachos suos Hubertum et Rainerum idem scriptum presentavit. Nos vero de pace gaudentes eandem concordiam tam cyrografi prescriptione quam sigilli nostri munimine per presentem paginam confirmavimus. Actum Noviomi, anno Dominice incarnationis MCLXXII. Ego Balduinus Noviomensis cancellarius relegi et subscripsi.


91A

Pope Alexander [III]

Pope Alexander [III] orders the abbot [Peter II] of Saint-Remi of Reims and the dean of Reims to settle the complaint by the abbot [Peter I] of Notre-Dame of Homblières that the abbot of Notre-Dame of Ham had received a certain man as a monk to the detriment of Homblières.

Pub.: (a) Mansi, 21:927. (b) PL, 200:761.

Ind.: Jaffé-Wattenbach, no. 11960. Lohrmann, Papsturkunden, p. 122, no. 9.

Alexander episcopus servus servorum Dei, dilectis filiis abbati Sancti Remigi et Fulconi decano Remensi, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem.a Dilectus filius noster Humulariensis abbas transmissis
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 175 ]] 
nobis litteris intimavit quod abbas Hamensis quemdamb hominem suum cum rebus suis ad habitum regularem suscepit, in quo praedictus abbas Humulariensis iustitiae suae queritur non modicum derogatum. Quia igitur ex commisso nobis officio unicuique in iure suo adesse debemus, discretioni vestrae per apostolica scripta praecipiendo mandamus quatenusc praedictum abbatem auctoritated nostra moneatis et districte compellatis ut praedicto abbati praenominatum hominem cum rebus suis restituat vel secum amicabiliter pacificeque componat, aut in praesentia vestra sufficientem exinde iustitiam, appellatione remota, exhibeat. Datum Tusculum, XV kalendas ianuarii.


92

Pope Alexander [III]

Pope Alexander [III] confirms to the abbot and monks of Saint-Nicolas [-des-Prés] of Ribemont the settlement over a certain wood that they reached amicably with the abbot of Homblières, the abbess of Montreuil-les-Dames, and Gerard of Bernot under the arbitration of Hugh, abbot of Mont-Saint-Quentin.2 Since the pope had been doubtful about the settlement, he charged B[aldwin III], bishop of Noyon, and W[alter II], bishop of Laon, to verify the findings contained in the report of the abbot of Mont-Saint-Quentin. On summoning the parties involved, the two bishops found that the settlement was agreed to by all, and by their papal authority they ordered it to be strictly observed.3

B: A.N., LL 1015, Cartulaire de Saint-Nicolas-des-Prés, fols. 52v-53r, copy of ca. 1250.

Pub.: (a) Stein, Cartulaire, pp. 105-106, no. 51.

Ind.: Jaffé-Wattenbach, no. 12314.

Alexander episcopus servus servorum Dei, dilectis filiis abbati et fratribus Sancti Nicholai de Ribodimonte, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Ea que compositione vel iudicio statuuntur, firma debent et inconvulsa existere et ne recidivum paciantur aut malignorum valeant presumptione mutari, apostolice convenit firmitatis robore communiri. Sane cum olim ad presentiam nostram perlatum fuisset quod causam quam adversum vos abbas Humolariensis et abbatissa de Monasteriolo et Gerardus de Brenorch super quodam nemore habebat, Hugo abbas sancti Quintini de mandato nostro, sicut a vobis
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 176 ]] 
recepimus, compositione amicabili terminasset, nos causam ipsam pro eo quod nobis dubium erat, an ita res se haberet, venerabilibus fratribus nostris B[auduino] Noviomensi et G[altero] Laudunensi episcopis commisimus audiendam et sine debito terminandam, expressius eis mandantes ut, si constaret sibi prescriptam compositionem de assensu fuisse partium factam, sicut in predicti abbatis de Monte Sancti Quintini scripto autentico continebatur, eam facerent auctoritate apostolica firmiter observari. Qui utique prout ex litteris suis accepimus, partibus ante se convocatis, rei veritatem studiosius inquirentes per autenticum scriptum prefati abbatis de Monte Sancti Quintini et ex testimonio plurium magnarum et honestarum personarum cognoverunt, quod predicta compositio de assensu partium fuerat celebrata et ideo eam stare debere iudicaverunt et auctoritate nostra preceperunt firmiter observari. Quorum siquidem litteris super hoc certificati, eandem compositionem ratam et firmam habentes, auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus, statuentes ut nulli omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam nostre confirmationis infringere vel ei aliquatenus contraire. Si quis autem hoc attemptare presumpserit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei et beatorum Petri et Pauli apostolorum eius se noverit incursurum. Datum Anagnie XV kalendas augusti.


92A

Pope Alexander [III]

Pope Alexander [III] directs Henry, archbishop of Reims, to look into the dispute between Homblières, Ribemont, Montreuil-les-Dames, and Gerard of Bernot. The pope heard from a monk of Ribemont that the case was committed to the bishop of Tournai, although the bishops of Laon and Noyon had already concluded a settlement. The archbishop
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 177 ]] 
is to enforce the sentence of the bishops and to prevent the bishop of Tournai from proceeding in the case.2

Pub.: (a) Martène and Durand, Amplissima collectio, 2:964. (b) PL, 200:935-936.

Ind.: Jaffé-Wattenbach, no. 12263. Lohrmann, Papsturkunden, p. 122, no. 10.

Alexander episcopus servus servorum Dei, venerabili fratri Henrico Remensium archiepiscopo, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem.a Significarunt nobis dilecti filii nostri abbas et fratres de Humbleriis quod cum causa quae inter eos et abbatem de Ribodimonte et abbatissam de Monasteriolo et G[erardum] militem de Bresnoto vertebatur, sub examine Laudunensis et Noviomensis episcoporum, quibus causam ipsam terminandam commiseramus, finem debitum suscepisset; postmodem quidam monachus de Ribodimonte pro negotiis thesaurarii Laudunensis ad praesentiam nostram accedens, eamdem causam, tacito quod fuerit terminata, postulavit episcopo Tornacensi committi, licet ab episcopis illis, multis reclamantibus vel appellantibus, fuisset sententia lata. Quoniam igitur qui tenemur litibus et contentionibus finem imponere, litem sopitam nolumus suscitare, fraternitati tuae per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus a praefatis episcopis et ab aliis qui veritatem noverunt rem ipsam diligenter inquiras, et si tibi constiterit praescriptam causam per eosdem episcopos terminatam fuisse, nec eorum sententiam per appellationem suspensam, sententiam ipsam ratam habeas eamque facias inviolabiliter observari, nec obtentu commissionis nostrae, in eadem causa procedere praefatum Tornacensem episcopum patiaris. Data Anagniae, idus aprilis.


92B

Pope Alexander [III]

Pope Alexander [III] orders Henry, archbishop of Reims, to intervene in the dispute between Notre-Dame of Homblières and T. of Nesle2 because the bishop [Bartholomew]3 of Beauvais, who was initially ordered to settle the case, has failed to do so in a proper manner.


 [[ Print Edition Page No. 178 ]] 

Pub.: (a) Martène and Durand, Amplissima collectio, 2:970. (b) PL, 200:939.

Ind.: Jaffé-Wattenbach, no. 12271. Lohrmann, Papsturkunden, p. 122, no. 11.

Alexander episcopus servus servorum Dei, venerabili fratri Henrico Remensi archiepiscopo, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem.a Iam pridem, si bene meminimus, venerabili fratri nostro B. Belvacensi episcopo causam inter abbatem et fratres Humolarienses et T. de Nigella super modio salis commisimus audiendam et fine debito terminandam. Qui utique, sicut ex insinuatione praedictorum fratrum accepimus, praenominatum T. in possessionem induxit, unde memorati fratres se plurimum gravatos esse affirmant, tum quia iudicem ipsum tamquamb adversarium suspectum habuerunt, tum quia tenorem litterarum quae super hoc a nobis emanarunt non fuerunt permissi, eodem episcopo prohibente, videre. Caeterum quia iidem fratres se iustitiam adversus praedictum T. habere confidunt et nos eis denegare non possumus nec debemus, quod universis ex officio nobis commisso exhibere tenemur, fraternitati tuae per apostolica scripta mandamus quatenus si praedicti fratres de proprietate agere voluerint, tu convocatis partibus causam, si ab eo non fuit terminata, nec alii commissa, diligentius audias et eam, appellatione remota, ita iustitia mediante decidas, quod tua debeat exinde discretio non immerito commendari. Data Anagniae, XII kalendas maii.


931

Pope Alexander III

Pope Alexander III confirms the possessions and rights of Saint-Prix, including a census of ten modii of wheat and two fields held from Homblières free from all tithes.2

B: Coll. Baluze, vol. 75, fols. 44v-51r, copy of the 17th c.

Pub.: (a) Ramackers, p. 305, no. 163.

. . . ab Humoliarensi ecclesia decem modios frumenti censuales de altari de Morecurt et de duobus campellis de dote altaris de Iissigniaco
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 179 ]] 
liberis ab omni decima et de aliis decimis quas Humolariensis ecclesia tenet . . .


94

Rainald, bishop of Noyon

Rainald, bishop of Noyon, describes the settlement that he, as papal legate, arranged between the abbot of [Saint-Nicolas-des-Prés of] Ribemont and the abbot of Homblières, the abbess of Montreuil-les-Dames, and Gerard of Bernot.1 The land in dispute2 was divided and assigned with fixed boundaries to each party. The coloni will return to the status quo ante and will pay the crop share to the appropriate lord; also they may not clear any uncultivated land or woods or sell or alienate any land here without the consent of the appropriate lord.3

B: A.N., LL 1015, Cartulaire de Saint-Nicolas-des-Prés, fol. 29r-v, with the title “De abbate Sancti Nicholai et abbate Humolariensi,” copy of ca. 1250.

Pub.: (a) Stein, Cartulaire, pp. 60-61, no. 25.

Ego Rainaldus, Dei gratia Noviomensis episcopus, notum fieri volo tam futuris quam presentibus quod cum causa que inter venerabiles fratres nostros abbatem de Ribodimonte et abbatem Humolariensem et abbatissam de Monsteriolo et Girardum de Brenort vertebatur, nobis a domino papa delegata esset terminanda, hinc inde rationes audire plenius et cognoscere curavimus, et tandem, Deo annuente, querela ipsa, nostro examine et concordia mediante, huiusmodi finem sortita est. Consilio itaque prudentium virorum et personarum honestarum que nobiscum aderant in hunc modum inter eos composuimus: quod utrique parti certam partem territorii assignavimus et certas metas hinc inde apponi fecimus, ita quod in parte alterius alter absque assensu alterius cuius est pars nullatenus intrare presumat, et coloni in utriusque parte quod ad cultum tunc temporis reduxerant, salva garba domini cuius est fundus, in pace possideant. De incultis autem terris vel nemoribus, absque assensu domini cuius est pars, ex tunc colere vel sartare non possint nec debeant. Si autem contigerit quod ipsi coloni aliqua occasione terras illius territorii vendere velint aut alienare, non licet eis nisi domino ipsius territorii vel absque licentia ipsius domini. Quod ut ratum habeatur in posterum tam sigilli nostri impressione quam testium sub assignatione roboramus.
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 180 ]] 
Signum Evrardi abbatis Sancti Preiecti. Signum Mathei abbatis Sancti Quintini de Insula. Signum Raineri abbatis Calniacensis. Signum Huberti abbatis Humolariensis. Signum Gaufridi cantoris Noviomensis. Signum magistri Ingeranni. Signum Balduini cancellarii. Signum Iohannis capellani. Signum Nicholai decani. Signum magistri Martini. Actum anno incarnationis Dominice MCLXXVIII.


95

H[ubert]

H[ubert], abbot of Homblières, writes to the abbot and chapter of Saint-Nicholas [-des-Prés of Ribemont] confirming the peace made between the two monasteries by the bishop of Noyon.

B: A.N., LL 1015, Cartulaire de Saint-Nicolas-des-Prés, fol. 67v, with the title “De abbate Humolariense,” copy of ca. 1250.

Pub.: (a) Stein, Cartulaire, pp. 139-140, no. 88.

Venerabilibus et in Christo karissimis abbati et capitulo Sancti Nicholai fratribus, H[ubertus] abbas Humolariensis et communis eiusdem loci conventus unitatem spiritus in vinculo pacis. Pacem inter nos factam et per manum domini Noviomensis auctoritate apostolica roboratam, ratam habemus et communis sigilli testimonio communimus.


96

Hubert

Hubert, abbot of Homblières, enumerates what the mayor of the villa of Homblières has by hereditary right.2 The mayor receives food offerings3 when he supervises the four corvées of the villa and on the occasion of the three general pleas: at the Feast of Saint Etienne, at the Nativity of the Virgin, and when he collects the payment known as the
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 181 ]] 
calcitra. The food and wine should be of the same type and quantity as served to the monks and may be consumed at the abbey or taken to his house. The mayor concerns himself with investitures, pledges, redemptions, purchases, sales, searches, summonses, boundary settlements, and carrying service only with the abbot’s permission, and he then receives 8 d. for each of them while the scabini receive 4 d. He must bring all claims, suits, and requests for judgment before the abbot to be settled by him or the abbot’s agent. He takes 3 d. per modiatus of land he assigns in tenure but takes nothing from land cultivated by the monks themselves or assigned by them to coloni. The then mayor, Walter, and his family agreed to these arrangements.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 74r-v, with the title “Iura maioris.” C: H 588, pp. 64-65, with the same title as B.

Ind.: Matton, p. 95.

Omnium fere mortalium opera nisi litteris inserta fuerint oblivioni subiecta citius abolentur. Que de causa, ego Hubertus, Dei gratia Humolariensis abbas, omnisque fratrum congregatio tam nobis quam posteris nostris consulentes ea qua maior huius villae ab ecclesia nostra haereditario iure possidere debet, sub paucis nominare et tam praesentium quam futurorum notitiae commendare pacis gratia necessarium duximus. Debet igitur maior, sicut diximus, de iure omni anno a nobis recipere equina quatuor pro quatuor corveis quas in hac villa habemus quibus maior debet interesse, quas etiam ad profectum ecclesiae pro posse custodire et ad operandum mittere. Tria propter tria placita generalia: unum in festo Sancti Stephani, unum in nativitate Sanctae Mariae virginis cum affert unum inferendema aut duos solidos, unum pro culcitris colligendis. Et ne quis forte de modo et mensura horum conviviorum dubitet, hunc habeat modum et mensuram ad unum quodque convivium habebit: panem unum qualem monachus, mensuram unam talis potus qualem habent monachi; scutellamb unam pisorum aut iure generale unum qualecumque die illo monachi comedent. Si voluerit in abbatia comedet, [et] quod si noluerit prandium suum ad domum suam deferri faciet. Investituras . . .c invadationes,d redemptiones et venditiones et emptiones et scrutinia et inbannationese et assessiones metarum et les tenementsf et conductum, omnia haec non potest maior facere sine assensu et licentia domini abbatis; tamen per eius licentiam omnia faciet salvo iure ipsius maioris ad unumquoque horumg omnium quae dixerimus: ad investiturae eth invadationis,i eth redemptionis, venditionis et emptionis scrutinii—si tamen inventum fuerit quod, quaeritur quod si nihil invenit nihil accipiet—inbannationis, assessionis metarum et de le[s]
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 182 ]] 
tenementj et conductus, habebit maior octo denarios et scabini habebuntk quatuor, excepto solum in assessione metarum habebit unum sextarium vini et scabini unum. Omnium quaerelarum clamores qui ad maiorem referuntur aut submonitionesl quas ipse fecerit per se aut per alium quemlibet,m non poterit commune maior minuere et quasi parvi pendere aut adnihilare licet; omnes clamores et quaerelas et submonitiones ante dominum abbatem adducet, et ibi aut ipsum dominum abbatem aut alium quemlibet qui sit loco abbatis aut ecclesiae omnia desumentur salvo ipsius maioris iure pro quaerela quae est vel abbatis potest abbas quemlibet submonere per famulum suumn salvo nihilominus iure maioris. In terris nostris quas carrucis nostris excolimus seu in illis quas ad excolendum aliis coloniso tradimus, maior nihil accipiet. De remanentibus vero terris quas ipse maior ad excolendum dabit licentia domini abbatis de modiata accipiet tres denarios. Abbatis autem erit ad quem gerbam illam terra dabit decimam. Si inter terras nostras et terras quae non sunt nostrae maior posueratp metam ex parte nostra nihil accipiet, ex altera vero parte quod de iure debet habere habebit. Haec omnia sicut praenotata sunt laudavit Walterus maior cuius tempore ista tractata sunt, iuramento super sacras reliquias facto se et uxorem suam suosque liberos, bona fide firmiterq tenere affirmans compromisit. Huic rei multi fideles interfuerunt quorum nomina ex parte subter annotavimus. Signum domini Huberti abbatis.r Signum Rainaldi prioris. Signum Harduini. Signum Boluini subprioris. Signum Bertulfi. Signum Hugonis Calvi. Signum Alberti, Evrardi, Gerardi, fratrum. Signum Henrici. Signum Ioannis. Signum Iacobi. Signum Petri. Signum Ioannis. Wilardi patris puerorum. Signum totius conventus. De clericis: signum magistri Martini.



 [[ Print Edition Page No. 183 ]] 

97

Notice

A notice states that the controversy between Notre-Dame of Homblières and Walter Sauari over certain land was resolved through the mediation of wise men. Walter and his son Ralph returned the land to the monastery—half of a valley and two fields, which the knight Simon held from him for one-seventh of the crop—and received from the abbot 25 s. and one modium of wheat in the presence of Waleus,1 mayor of the villa of Homblières, and the scabini Fulk, Paumar, John Rufus, and Peter Authemier. In the presence of the monks and all the men of the villa [at the general assembly], Walter and Ralph swore not to reclaim that land. Walter will continue to pay an annual census of 8 s. for the rest of the land he holds from the monastery.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 91r-v, without title. C: H 588, p. 73, without title.

Ind.: Matton, p. 95.

Notum facimus praesentibus et futuris quod controversia quae vertebatur inter ecclesiam Humolariensem et Walterum Sauari super quamdam terram ita mediantibus viris sapientibus ad pacem et concordiam devenit. Reddidit idem Walterus et Radulfus filius eius terram illam his verbis designatam: medietatem suae vallis quae subtus Gerli castelzalium campum qui extenditur a praedicta valle usque ad curtem nostram de Beauvoir super valle Huberti de Petris, et alios duos campos quos tenebat Simon milesa ab ipso Waltero ad septimam garbam per medium unius vadii,b . . .c et alteriusd ad quercum de Beauvoir in manu domini Huberti abbatis ecclesiae quam se iniuste tenuisse memoraverant. Praesentibus Waleo, maiore villae Humolariensis, et scabinis Fulcone, Paumare, Ioanne Rufo,e et Petro Authemier, acceptis proinde de bonis ecclesiae per manum praefati abbatis XXV solidis quintiniensis monetae et uno modio frumenti, praenominatus quoque Walterus Sauari et Radulfus filius eius in praesentia conventus, praesentibus fere totius villae hominibus, iuraverunt super sancta sanctimonii terram illam quam reddiderunt nihil amplius reclamaturos, et ea integro libere et quiete possidendam in perpetuum sicut dictum ecclesiae concesserunt. In terra autem quae Waltero remansit ab illo die et deinceps praescriptus abbas et monachi se nihil amplius reclamare spoponderunt. Sciendum vero quid pro omni terra quam retinuit scilicet quam reddidit nobis solvebat annuatim idem Walterus VIII solidos de censu pro his, autem quatuor tantum pro censu, tres pro mensura sua, duos denarios et unum caponem omni anno annuatim ecclesiaef reddet. Huius rei testes sunt: dominus Hubertus
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 184 ]] 
abbas, Henricus prior, Harduinus, Ioannes, Petrus, Willelmus,g Bardulfus,h Hugo, Petrus, Robertus, pueri et omnis conventus, magister Martinus de Oisonville, Walterus huius rei author et Radulfus filius eius et omnes fere totius villae homines. Actum anno incarnatis Dominicae MCLXXX.


98

Hubert

Hubert, abbot of Homblières, announces the settlement of a dispute between the monastery and Gerard Hatterel,1 knight of Bernot. At issue were woods, water, a mill, a meadow, an oven, and all the allods in the villa of Bernot. The two parties exchanged several pieces of land, and Gerard allowed the monks fishing rights on the water passing his house, which was next to the monastery’s grange, while Homblières permitted him to have a mill, provided that their grain be processed free of charge. Gerard also received twelve capons annually for the parcel of land that the monastery had enclosed within the walls of its grange. Gerard and his son swore on the relics of Saint Hunegund in the presence of witnesses to observe this agreement.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 92r-v, without title. C: H 588, pp. 73-74, without title.

Ind.: Matton, p. 95.

Ego Hubertus abbas Humolariensis. Notum facio praesentibus et futuris quod de controversia quae inter nos et Gerardum militem de Bresnota cognomineb Hatterelc diu fuerat agitata, tali convenimus pace et convenientia. Controversia siquidem erat de nemoribus et aquis, de molendino, de furno, de prato quod vocatur Souveraine Pree, de omnibus alodiis ad ipsam villam quae dicitur Bresnota pertinentibus. Unde pro nemoribus dedit nobis idem Gerardus: quatuor modiatas terrae, tres in loco qui dicitur Vallis Ermengardis, medietatem unius in Monte, et aliam medietatem in campo qui vocatur Doisles, libere omnimode possidendas; et duos hortos ante curiam nostram quos ad usum ecclesiae idem Gerardus et haeresd eius unicus dare et liberos facere debet perpetualiter; et nemora ei concessa pari modo libere possidenda. Et quae ei etiam tali pacto concessit quod a domo ipsius quae iuxta curiam nostrame fuit per totam aquam inferam omni tempore unum piscatorem cum una navi et omnibus ad
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 185 ]] 
piscandum necessariis ad libitum nostrum habere debemus. Molendinum ei hac rationef habendum permisimus, quod semper triticum nostrum ad usum curiae nostrae de Bresnotg primo post eum cuiush triticum in Tremuia fuerit famulus suus absque mora vel ulla contradictionei molere debet, nullam inde accipiens molituram. Pro prato Souveraine Pree dedit nobis unum quod suum erat et vocatur Bonetieres, et Souveraine Pree ei remansit. Pro furno vero de villa in quo partem nostram ei dedimus, furnum nostrum in curia nostra libere possidemus. Alodia porro omnibus participibus debent esse communia. Terrae vero iurisdictionis nostrae sive ipsius Gerardi a communibus alodiis separatae sunt. Super haec omnia ipsa curia de Bresnortg ab omnibus exactionibus et querelis libera est et immunis, tantum pro quadam particula terrae ipsius Gerardi quam infra muros eiusdem curiae incluseramus, XIIj capones annuatim eik persolvimus. Haec omnia sicut praenotata sunt supradictus Gerardus Hatterellusl et Amoricus filius eius bona fide et pace laudaverunt, et ante altare beatae Mariae semper virginis super corpus sacratissimae Hunegundis fidelibus coram adstantibus firmiter conservare iuraverunt. Huius rei testes sunt: dominus Hubertus abbas, Henricus prior, Hugo, Ioannes Sarpa et totus conventus ecclesiae. De clericis: Martinus clericus et Radulfus Iampart.m De militibus: Rainardusn et Robertus fratres eiusdem Gerardi, et Robertus de Fraisnoy. De laicis: Herbertus maior de Bresnot,o Galterus cocus, Rainerus filius eius, Fulco, Radulfus, Henricus, Robertus faber et alii multi. Actum in monasterio Humolariensi anno ab incarnatione Domini MCLXXX.


99

Pope Alexander [III] (Probably forged)

Pope Alexander [III] writes to the abbot and monks of Saint-Nicolas [-des-Prés] of Ribemont that since they rejected the settlement (act no. 92) proposed by the abbot of Mont-Saint-Quentin in their dispute with Homblières, Montreuil-les-Dames, and G[erard] of
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 186 ]] 
Bernot, and likewise rejected the later adjudication of the bishops of Laon and Noyon (act no. 94), he delegated the bishop of Tournai to determine the truth about the disputed land of Montigny2 and to return that land to Saint-Nicolas if the facts warranted. After hearing the testimony of many provincials of the area, the bishop of Tournai returned the land to Saint-Nicolas, and the pope here confirms that decision.

B: A.N., LL 1015, Cartulaire de Saint-Nicolas-des-Prés, fols. 54v-55r, copy of ca. 1250.

Pub.: (a) Stein, Cartulaire, pp. 109-110, no. 55.

Ind.: Jaffé-Wattenbach, no. 12313.

Alexander episcopus servus servorum Dei, dilectis filiis suis abbati et fratribus Sancti Nicholai de Ribodimonte, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Ea que compositione vel iudicio statuuntur firma et inconcussa debent existere et ne recidivum patiantur aut malignorum valeant presumptione mutari, apostolice convenit firmitatis robore communiri. Sane cum ad audientiam nostram perlatum fuisset quod ecclesia beati Nicholai de Ribodimonte non potuit habere compositionem illam quemadmodum terminata ab abbate de Monte Sancti Quintini inter ecclesiam de Humbleries et ecclesiam de Monasteriolo et G[erardum] de Brenort et ecclesiam beati Nicholai de Ribodimonte, et postea ab episcopis Laudunensi et Noviomensi iudicata fuit super terra de Monteni, mandavimus episcopo Tornacensi ut super hoc diligentius inquisita veritate, ecclesiam beati Nicholai, si ita esset, libere et pacifice faceret possidere. Cuius litteris et testimonio cognovimus quod idem episcopus, ut perfectius veritate inquireret, convocata ante se utraque parte super terram compositionis venit cum multis provincialibus circummanentibus quorum testimonio et probatione, ut decuit, suscepta et hoc modo cognita veritate, ecclesiam beati Nicholai auctoritate nostra integraliter in suam misit possessionem, secundum tenorem compositionis. Et quia auctoritate nostra factum est, presenti pagina hoc munimus atque confirmamus, statuentes ut nulli omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam nostre confirmationis infringere vel ei aliquatenus contraire. Si quis hoc attemptare presumpserit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei et beatorum Petri et Pauli apostolorum eius se noverit incursurum. Datum Anagnie, idus iulii.


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COMMENT

If Ribemont did in fact appeal the sentence of the bishops of Laon and Noyon to the bishop of Tournai, this bull might be an authentic confirmation by Alexander III, before he wrote to the archbishop of Reims (13 April 1174) denying the bishop of Tournai’s jurisdiction in the case (act no. 92A). However, Ribemont’s cartulary does not contain any decision by the bishop of Tournai, as it surely would have in the case of a successful appeal. Ribemont’s cartulary does contain acts nos. 92, 94, 95, which document the settlement reached by the bishops of Laon and Noyon and agreed to by all the parties in 1172/1173. Thus Ribemont apparently considered the case closed at that time. This bull was probably forged after the death of Evrard, bishop of Tournai, in 1191, perhaps to reopen the case. Newman suspected it was modeled on Alexander’s bull of 15 July (1167?) in Ribemont’s possession (in Stein, Cartulaire, pp. 112-113, no. 59).


1001

A bull of Lucius III

A bull of Lucius III confirms that Saint-Nicolas of Arrouaise is exempt from the tithe on the church of Margères and its dependencies, namely, the curtis of Beaulieu with oratory, cemetery, and small tithe, for which it owes an annual census of 2 s. to Homblières and 12 d. to the church of Ham. Arrouaise also has lands obtained by exchange with the monks of Homblières and confirmed in a chirograph.

B: Amiens, B.M., MS 1077, Cartulaire d’Arrouaise, fol. 30v, copy of the 12th or 13th c.

Pub.: (a) Ramackers, p. 439, no. 286.

Ind.: Michel, “Inventaire sommaire,” p. 255.

. . . ecclesiam de Margellis ab omni decimatione penitus liberam cum omnibus appenditis suis, scilicet curtem de Bello Loco in Bena liberam cum oratorio et cimiterio et tota minuta decima sub annuo censu duorum solidorum Humolariensi et XII denariorum Hamensi ecclesie solvendorum . . . terras cum pratis et nemore de Albincort cum toto districto et iusticia earum et maioria ipsius nemoris, commutationem etiam terrarum quam fecistis cum monachis Humolariensis ecclesie, sicut et cyrographi divisione et sigillorum vestrorum impressione firmata est . . .



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100A

Hubert, abbot of Homblières

Hubert, abbot of Homblières, and Hugh, dean of Saint-Fursy of Péronne, announce that they were commissioned by the pope [Urban III] to hear and decide the case between the monasteries of Saint-Quentin and Ham and the church of [Notre-Dame of] Vermand concerning the tithe of the newly cleared woods of Horvennes near Roupy. The sworn testimony of several old villagers affirms that the woods are within the territory of Roupy, and therefore the papal judges decide for Saint-Quentin and Ham.

A: A.N., L. 738, no. 7, fonds Saint-Quentin, with seals.

Pub.: Lohrmann, Papsturkunden, pp. 601-602, no. 292a.

In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti, amen. Hubertus Humolariensis abbas et Hugo Peronensis decanus omnibus in perpetuum. Notum fieri volumus tam futuris quam presentibus quod dominus papa causam que inter ecclesiam Sancti Quintini et ecclesiam Hamensem et Viromandensem super decima de Horvennes vertebatur, nobis audiendam et fine debito appellatione remota commisit terminandam. Nobis igitur ad audiendum in medio sedentibus, ecclesia[e] Sancti Quintini et Hamensis asserverunt nemus de Horvennes de territorio de Rupi, cuius territorii decimatio ad eos sine contradictione spectat, et nunc esse et ab antiquo fuisse. Ob hanc igitur causam decimam nemoris de Horvennes de novo ad culturam redacti, que ab ecclesia Viromandensi detinebatur, ecclesie iamdicte sui iuris esse contendebant. Super assertione sua testes produxerunt: Robertus, presbiter, iuratus, dixit se audisse ab antiquioribus ville de Rupi quod iustitia predicti nemoris de iure territorii pertinet ad dominationem de Rupi, ita quod maior eiusdem ville iustitiam faciebat et forifactaa accipiebat, et obolos quando vendebatur nemus. Robertus Flamens, iuratus, dixit se bis vendidisse nemus illud et obolos maiorem vel servientem ipsius recepisse; iustitiam vero maior ipse de Rupi faciebat et forifactaa recipiebat. Haymo de Saux, iuratus, idem quod Robertus dixit, addens etiam apes quandoque in nemore illo inventas per licentiam et iustitiam maioris de Rupi ab eis qui eas invenerant fuisse receptas. Haymericus, serviens comitis, iuratus, dixit idem quod Robertus de receptione obolorum, de iustitia, de forifactis, addens etiam quod maior de Rupi in natali Domini panes et capones, quos vulgaliter oblationes vocant, a silvariis eiusdem nemoris recipiebat. Id ipsum tamen Robertus asserebat. Iohannes Cretons, iuratus, ad ipsum prorsus quod Haymericus testatus est. Hii testes, homines videlicet
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antiqui, integre ut audivimus fame et sane opinionis, he testium attestationes. Pars adversa, ecclesia videlicet Viromandensis, predictum nemus de territorio de Rupi esse infitiata est; nichil tamen in contrarium, licet a nobis pluries super hoc fuisset amonita, probare nec testibus nec attestationibus in aliquo voluit obviare. Predictis igitur rationibus invitati de consilio discretarum personarum decimam de Horvennes ecclesie Sancti Quintini et ecclesie Hamensi adiudicavimus, auctoritate apostolica eas in possessionem eiusdem decime mittentes.


101

Chirograph

A chirograph, sealed and divided, states that Homblières gave whatever it possessed in Le Hérie-la-Viéville in woods, lands, and revenues to Saint-Nicolas-des-Prés of Ribemont for an annual census of four modii of wheat to be delivered to the grange of Homblières at Châtillon-sur-Oise.

B: A.N., LL 1015, Cartulaire de Saint-Nicolas-des-Prés, fol. 30r, with the title “De ecclesia Humolariensi,” copy of ca. 1250.

Pub.: (a) Stein, Cartulaire, pp. 62-63, no. 26.

In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus sancti, amen. Quoniam inter cetera humane fragilitatis incommoda quamplurimum noxia tolerat oblivio, necesse est litteris mandari quod inter filios ecclesie pacis gratia constat actitari. Quapropter scire volumus presentes et futuros ecclesiam beati Nicholai in Pratis, sub Ribodimonte sitam, ab ecclesia Humolariensi censualiter accepisse quicquid habebat in territorio de Leheris in silvis, in terris cultis et incultis, et in omnibus proficuis, tali conditione ut singulis annis quatuor modios frumenti boni et legittimi ad mensuram Sancti Quintini infra festum Omnium Sanctorum predicte ecclesie persolvat, et apud Castellionem, curiam videlicet Humolariensis ecclesie, vehiculo suo perduci faciat. Quod ut ratum atque inconcussum permaneat et in perpetuum maneat, scripto firmavimus et sigillorum nostrorum inpressionibus munivimus, et invicem nobis per cyrographum divisimus. Actum tempore dompni Huberti abbatis Humolariensis et dompni Ricardi abbatis Sancti Nicholai, anno incarnationis
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 190 ]] 
Dominice MCLXXXVI. Huius rei testes sunt et cooperatores supradicti abbates. De monachis Humolariensibus: Henricus prior, Heldradus, Iacob, Acardus, Iohannes, Wilardus et totus conventus. De monachis sancti Nicholai: Herbertus prior, Robertus prepositus, Sygerus, Robertus, Matheus et totus conventus. Dompnus Matheus abbas Sancti Quintini de Insula et Nicholaus m[onachus] eius. De militibus: Wenricus de Fillanis, et Nicholaus, et Andreas.


102

Pope Urban [III]

Pope Urban [III] confirms to the monks of Saint-Nicolas[-des-Prés] of Ribemont the settlement (act no. 94) arranged by R[ainald], formerly bishop of Noyon, between them and Homblières, Montreuil-les-Dames, and Gerard of Bernot, by which each party received part of a disputed territory.2

B: A.N., LL 1015, Cartulaire de Saint-Nicolas-des-Prés, fol. 56r, copy of ca. 1250.

Pub.: (a) Stein, Cartulaire, pp. 111-112, no. 58.

Ind.: Jaffé-Wattenbach, no. 15790.

Urbanus episcopus servus servorum Dei, dilectis filiis abbati et monachi Sancti Nicholai de Ribodimonte, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Cum inter vos ex una parte, et ex alia dilectum filium nostrum, ..a abbatem Humolariensem, ..a abbatissam quoque de Mosteriolo, et Girardum de Brenort, super quodam territorio, in presencia bone memorie R[ainaldi] quondam Noviomensis episcopi de mandato apostolico questio verteretur, tandem controversia ipsa per eundem episcopum fui[t] amicabili compositione decisa et utrique parti per transactionem ipsam certa portio illius territorii assignata. Quia igitur ea que a fratribus et coepiscopis nostris precipue auctoritate sedis apostolice ratione previa statuuntur, firma debent et illibata persistere, compositionem ipsam sicut sine pravitate facta est, et ab utraque parte recepta et in scripto autentico predicti episcopi continetur, ratam habentes eam auctoritate apostolica confirmamus et presentis scripti patrocinio communimus. Statuentes ut nulli omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam nostre confirmationis infringere vel
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 191 ]] 
ei ausu temerario contraire. Si quis autem hoc attemptare presumpserit, indignationem omnipotentis Dei et beatorum Petri et Pauli apostolorum eius se noverit incursurum. Datum Verone, idus februarii.


103

Pope Urban [III]

Pope Urban [III] directs the abbots of Foigny and Bohéries to hear the dispute between Homblières and Saint-Nicolas[-des-Prés] of Ribemont over land ceded by the former in return for a census from the latter (act no. 101) and to render a final judgment.

B: A.N., LL 1015, Cartulaire de Saint-Nicolas-des-Prés, fol. 19r-v, copy of ca. 1250.

Pub.: (a) Stein, Cartulaire, pp. 40-41, no. 13.

Ind.: Wauters, 7:356-357. Jaffé-Wattenbach, no. 15904.

Urbanus episcopus servus servorum Dei, dilectis filiis Fusniacensi et de Boheris abbatibus, salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. Cum dilecti filii nostri prior Sancti Salvii, nuntius Humolariensis monasterii, et Iesse presbyter, nuntius ecclesie Sancti Nicholai de Ribodimonte, ad sedem apostolicam accessissent super terra quadam quam abbas et monachi Humolarienses sub annuo censu possidenda abbati et fratribus Sancti Nicholai dicuntur in perpetuum concessesse, hinc inde varias allegationes et inter sea proponebant. Sane quia nobis de rei veritate constare non potuit, de assensu nuntiorum utriusque partis, causam illam discrecioni vestre committimus audiendam et sine debito terminandam, mandantes quatinus utriusque plenius audiatis et cognitisb causam ipsam, appellatione remota, mediante iusticia. Datum Verone, III kalendas augusti.



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103A

Hubert, abbot of Homblières

Hubert, abbot of Homblières, attests that his monastery gave land at Croix-Fonsomme to the monastery of Saint-Feuillien [du Roeulx] in return for terragium and tithe elsewhere.

A: Archives d’Etat in Mons, Belgium, Chartrier Saint-Feuillien, Croix-en-Vermandois, no. 36, with a fragment of the seal. B: Archives d’Etat in Mons, Belgium, MS 57, Cartulaire de l’abbaye de Saint-Feuillien du Roeulx, p. 81, with the title “De conventione inter nos et abbatem de Homblieres,” 13th-c. copy of A. C: Copy of B of the 16th c., attached to A. D: Bibliothèque de l’abbaye de Tongerloo, MS 20A, no. 58, copy of B by Van Spilbeeck, 19th c.

Ind.: Devillers, p. 292, no. 63. Wymans, pp. 140-141, no. 53.

Ego Hubertus Dei gratia Humolariensis abbas et totus conventus noster scire volumus presentes et futuros concambium quoddam quod fecimus cum ecclesia beati Foillania super quadam terra quam hereditarie possidebamus in territorio de Crois, iuxta vivarium sitam, quam prenominate ecclesie fratribus perpetuo possidendam concessimus pro terragio et decimatu terre eorumdem fratrum quam excolit Robertus li Cretes de Fraisnoit et terre quam Loves de Muerincurt tenet ab eadem ecclesia hereditarie et pro decimatu de Mascherumval quam idemb fratres hereditarie possidebant. Sciendum autem est quod terra predicti Lovet sita est en Lescatiere. Huius conventionis testes sunt dompnus Hubertus abbas, Henricus prior, Iacobus cantor, Acardus, Hugo capellanus, Iohannes et omnis conventus. Actum anno incarnatic Dominice MCLXXXVII.


104

Hubert, abbot of Homblières

Hubert, abbot of Homblières, and the chapter declare that they owe the canons of Saint-Quentin five modii of wheat to be delivered annually not later than the feast of Saint Martin [11 November].

B: Aisne, A.D., G 790, Registre des titres du chapitre de Saint-Quentin, pp. 1491-1492, “d’après une charte de l’armoire 3, liasse 43” (fragment), copy of 1775.

Hubertus Humolariensis abbas et universum ecclesie nostre capitulum notum fieri volumus . . . nos debere canonicis Beati Quintini
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 193 ]] 
propter Iohannem le Fayhe quinque modios frumenti valentis octo denarios2 minus meliori singulis annis ad claustrum predictorum canonicorum usque ad festum Sancti Martini vecturis nostris adducendos et uni eorum qui ad recipiendum assignatus fuerit solvendos.3


105

Homblières and Vicoigne

Homblières and Vicoigne agree to exchange lands, the former acquiring lands near its monastery possessed by Vicoigne, the latter receiving five other fields.

B: Nord, A.D., 59 H 95, Cartulaire de Notre-Dame de Vicoigne, fols. 78v-79r, no. 123 (also numbered in red: CXVIII), with the title “De concambio facto inter nos et Humolariensem,” copy of the 13th c. C: Coll. Moreau, vol. 96, fol. 51, “d’après . . . le cartulaire de parchemin de l’abbaye de Vicoigne contenant 117 feuilles . . . du XIVe siècle . . . acte no. 118” (i.e., B), copy of 1771.

Ind.: Coll. Picardie, vol. 250, fols. 305v-306r. Piétresson de Saint-Aubin, 2:264.

Noverint presentes et futuri quod inter ecclesiam Humolariensem et ecclesiam Viconiensem, assensu Hugonis abbatis Humolariensis et Arnulfi abbatis Viconiensis et capitulorum utriusque ecclesiae, factum est tale concambium: ecclesia quippe Viconiensis possidebat quandam terram, terris ecclesie Humolariensis contiguam, quam eidem Radulfus Molniers dederat in elemosinam, que est sub nemore de Marchi; aliam quoque terram predicta ecclesia Viconiensis habebat vicinam terris ecclesie Humolariensis supra Hunchies. Has igitur prefatas terras, ecclesia Viconiensis concessit ecclesie Humolariensi imperpetuum possidendas pro quinque campis, quorum IIII sunt iuxta Baienpont,1 quintus vero iuxta Orgeval,1 tali conditione quod utraque ecclesia alteri warandiam prestabit de hoc concambio adversus eos qui eisdem aliquam molestiam intulerint, si iudicio et iusticie stare voluerint. Ut autem hoc ratum habeatur utriusque ecclesie sigyllum huic scripto appensum est et ydoneis testibus confirmatum. Huius rei testes: Hugo abbas Humolariensis, Arnulfus abbas Viconiensis, Iacobus prior, Iohannes cantor, Rainoardus prepositus, Ioscelinus prior,2 Nicholaus supprior,3 Theodericus prepositus,4 Guido et Martinus presbiteri. Actum anno verbi incarnati MCXCIIII.



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106

A fragmentary inventory of Homblières’s

A fragmentary inventory of Homblières’s villages lists the rents and customary payments owed by each tenant manse in Morcourt and Rocourt.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 62, with the title “De sex mansis qui sunt apud Harleium.”2 C: H 588, p. 55, with the same title as B.

Ind.: Matton, p. 95.

Qui etiam debet nobis XV solidos in medio martii et totidem in festo Sancti Remigii apud Sanctum Quintinum, quinque solidos et dimidium [. . .],a qui simul faciunt XXXV et dimidium, et hos de manu maioris istius villae accepimus. Apud Morincurtem sunt mansi XIV et terrae pars unius quinti qui, sicut Humolarienses antiquitus eadem quae superius diximus,3 persolvebant servitia modo vero pro istis consuetudinibus: singuli mansi X solidos persolvunt in festivitate Sancti Ioannis et Sancti Remigii, VII de consuetudine et quatuor pro bontuario, hac tamen conditione quod si abbas huius loci eosb remittere voluerit ad eam legem quam tenent Humolarienses, qui eos possident, nullomodo recusare possunt. Praeter haec solvuntur nobis: de molendino IV solidi, de Bertocurte VIII solidi, de hospitibus decem capones et duo solidi et sex denarii. Est ibi ecclesia I cum camba I, duo sedis molendini, unum in Morincurte, et aliud in Hadulficurte,c tertium in loco qui Solinum dicitur. In Hadulficurtec sunt mansi decem et dimidius, unusquisque mansus debet solvere solidos VII de consuetudine et III pro bontuario, medietatem in festo Sancti Ioannis et reliquum in festo Sancti Remigii et hoc fiet quamdiu dominus abbas voluerit. Si enim eos remittere voluerit ad supradictas consuetudines Humolariensium, recusari omnino non poterit. Est adhuc ibi
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 195 ]] 
mansolium unum de Brocurt Sanctae Hunegundis qui solvit II solidos et VII denarios et obolum, de furno debentur II solidi.


107

The revenues of the master cook

These are the revenues of the master cook: half of all the breadcrusts from meals, 9 d. for his shoes, one sextarius of wine weekly, one small piece of pork and the abdomen from every pig that he kills, the feathers from birds or geese that he plucks, and the heads of all the eels and large perch. Each day he receives a half-loaf of bread and on feast days double his allotment of bread and wine. He receives two sextarii of wheat monthly [for baking], but two and a half sextarii in August and two modii on All Saints’ Day.

B: Lat. 13911, fol. 69, without title. C: H 588, p. 61, without title.

Iste est reditus quem magister cocus noster debet habere: medietatem omnium crustarum panis qui in pulmentis nostris expenditur, et novem denarios pro calceamentis suis, et in hebdomada sextarium unum vini, ita ut sextarium illud fiat de septem mensuris. De porco quem ipse occidit aut facit occidi de quo facit saginem debet habere frustum unum quod vulgariter dicitur cacutium. Cum de porco quem ipse excatulisata aut alium facit excatulisareb debet habere abdomen quod vulgari nomine dicimus ambanam. Si deplumat anseres aut aves alias, plumas habebit. Omnium anguillarum et patulorum pectinum capita sua sunt. Quotidie habet dimidium unius panisc et in omnibus praecipuis festis duplicatur eius praebenda in pane et vino. Singulis mensibus debet habere duo sextaria frumenti, in mense augusti habet duo sextaria et dimidium unius, in festivitate Omnium Sanctorum debet habere duos modios frumenti. Notandum autem quod in omnibus servitiis quae in coquina exercentur debet ipse per se aut per alium a se mercede conductum omne medium adimplere.



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108

Hugh [III]

Hugh [III], abbot of Homblières, and the chapter declare that with their assent Ralph, mayor of Morcourt, gave a certain terragium, part of which he held from Homblières, to the monastery of Vicoigne.

B: Coll. Moreau, vol. 113, fol. 56, copy made by Queinsert, 20 December 1771, from a cartulary of Vicogne of ca. 1450.

Ind.: Coll. Picardie, vol. 250, fol. 310v.

Ego Hugo Humolariensis abbas totiusque eiusdem ecclesie conventus presentibus et futuris notum facimus quod Radulfus, maior de Morecort, assensu nostro et tocius capituli, dedit ecclesie Viconiensi quoddam terragium cuius partem de nobis tenebat, fide interposita in presencia nostra permisit nunquam se prefatam ecclesiam super hac largitione inquietaturum; igitur ne ex eo quod in presencia nostra sollempniter actum est, predicta ecclesia aliquam molestiam paciatur, presens scriptum sigilli nostri appensione roboravimus. Actum anno incarnationis Dominice MCC nono.


109

Hugh [III], abbot of Homblières

Hugh [III], abbot of Homblières, declares that Robert li Frans1 of Lesdins paid the monastery’s mayor Ralph of Morcourt 90 l., money of Paris, for the three modiatae of land that Robert holds as a liege fief from the monastery. Robert obtained the money by selling his wife Elizabeth’s marriage portion (the tithes of Lesdins) to the monks of Longpont, and to compensate her, he assigned this land as her dower. Later Robert and his wife mortgaged the land to the monks of Longpont for an annual revenue during Elizabeth’s lifetime, or until they redeem the land.

B: Cartulaire de l’abbaye de Longpont, at the château of Lesdins (Aisne), copy of the 13th c. (not seen). C: Coll. Moreau, vol. 126, fol. 170, copy of B of 1774. D: Coll. Picardie, vol. 24, Cartulaire de Longpont, p. 183, no. 42, with the title “De recompensatione dotis Elizabeth uxoris Roberti de Lesdin,” incomplete copy made by Colliette from the original charter in 1764.

Ego Hugo dictus abbas ecclesie Humolariensis et eiusdem loci conventus, paginam istam lecturis,a notum facimus quod Robertus li Fransb de Lesdin emit precio XCc librarum parisiensium a Radulfo, maiore nostro de Morecort, tres modiatas terre quas ipse Robertus de
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 197 ]] 
nobis in feodo ligie tenet. Hec pecunia uxori sue Elisabethd ad huiusmodie emptionem faciendam apud Longum Pontem servabatur. Quam terram ipse Robertus predicte uxori sue Elisabethd etf in dotem et in recompensationem dotaliciig quod ipsa habebat in decimis de Lesdin, quas fratribus Longi Pontis, ipsa concedente et laudante, vendiderat, assignavit. Hanc ipsam terram tam ipse Robertush quam dicta uxor eius Elisabeth,i fratribus Longi Pontis, nobisj concedentibus et laudantibus,j obligaverunt et in plegium dederunt utk si quando de predicto dotalicio dictis fratribus veatio2 aliqua oriretur, ipsi fratres predictam terram saisirent et tenerent quamdiu dicta Elisabethl viveret, nisi prius ecclesie Longi Pontis satisfieret. Quod ut ratum et firmum permaneat sigilli nostri appensione roboravimus.k Actum anno verbi incarnati MCCIX.m


110

Stephen, bishop of Noyon

Stephen, bishop of Noyon, declares that Peter, cleric of Homblières, sold his share of the tithe of Fonsommes to the church of Fervaques. Peter placed this possession in the hands of the bishop, who invested Fervaques. The sale was conceded by Geoffrey, knight of Homblières, from whom Peter held the tithe in fief, and was approved by Peter’s brother-in-law, John of Combles. Since John’s wife Marie could not be present because she was nursing very young children, the bishop sent canon Sigbert to receive her approval in his hands. Peter also guaranteed the approval of his brother who was overseas. The abbot of Homblières granted two modii of grain from the same tithe to Fervaques and surrendered the title deed to the bishop, who transferred it to Fervaques with the possession of the two modii.

Pub.: (a) Lemaire, “Chartes des XIIe et XIIIe siècles,” pp. 485-487, no. 2, copy of the original (which has since disappeared from the Société historique de Saint-Quentin).

Ind.: Aisne, A.D., H 1624, Cartulaire de Fervaques, p. 146, 17th-18th c.


 [[ Print Edition Page No. 198 ]] 

Ego Stephanus, Dei gratia Noviomensis episcopus, omnibus presentem paginam inspecturis imperpetuum. Notum fieri volumus quod Petrus, clericus de Hummolaria, in presentia nostra constitutus, portionem decime Fontissomene que eum contingebat ecclesie de Favarkes vendidit, et quicquid in ea pater suus dum viveret possidebat in manus nostras resignavit et ad opus eiusdem ecclesie quitum et liberum werpivit. Nos autem ad eius petitionem ipsa decima dictam ecclesiam investivimus. Hanc autem venditionem Godefridus, miles de Hummolaria, a quo decima tenebatur in feodum, libere concessit et feodum suum quitavit. Iohannes quoque de Cumbles, dicti clerici sororius, ipsam venditionem approbavit. Maria quoque, ipsius Iohannis uxor, dicti clerici soror, quia parvulorum liberorum cura ac nutrimento detenta coram nobis comparere non potuit, in manus socii nostri Sygeberti, canonici Noviomensis, quem loco nostro ad eam misimus, quicquid in illa decima iuris habebat resignans, dictam venditionem voluit et concessit. Firmaverunt autem fide interposita presscripti Petrus clericus, soror et sororius eius, quod super illa decima ecclesiam de Favarkes de cetero nunquam impeterent vel aliquatenus molestarent. Dedit etiam fidem dictus clericus quod si fratrem suum a transmarinis partibus reverti contingeret, ab ipso decimam illam ecclesie firmiter guarandiret. Ad hec abbas et conventus Hummolariensis duos modios frumenti quos in eadem decima habebant ad opus ecclesie de Favarkes in manus nostras resignantes, litteras nostras quas de illa portione habebant nobis reddiderunt, et nos ad eorum petitionem illos duos modios cum predictis litteris ecclesie de Farvarkes concessimus absolute. Quia vero propter malitiam hominum dies mali dicuntur et sunt, ne qua malignitate hominum actionis huius puritas valeat immutari, ipsam presenti scripto commendare ac sigilli nostri munimine duximus roborare. Actum anno Domini millesimo ducentesimo decimo.


110A

The chapters of Homblières

The chapters of Homblières and Prémontré agree in a chirograph to reduce the amount of census owed by the latter for land at Lehéricourt by decreasing the number of sextarii originally [in 1146] calculated in each modius.1

A: A.N., L 995, no. 58, chirograph; upper half of the word chyrographum, in red
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 199 ]] 
ink, is written along the left margin. B: Soissons, B.M., MS 7, Cartulaire de Prémontré, fol. 47r-v, copy of A of ca. 1275.

Ind.: Matton, pp. 94, 116.

Per hoc publicum instrumentum tam modernis quam posteris innotescat quod olim inter Humolariensem et Premonstratensem ecclesias scriptum autenticum factum fuit, in quo continetur quedam censualis conventio in hec verba: [text of act no. 58, without the witnesses]. Procedente vero tempore cum prescripta conventio per LX annos et eo amplius iam durasset, tandem occasione cuidam mensure veteris ad quam fratres Premonstratenses predictum censum se proponebant semper ab antiquo solvisse, sed monachi Humolarienses ipsum amplius ad illam mensuram nolebant recipere. Cum secundum apostolum servos Dei litigare non oporteat, de utriusque ecclesie assensu communi, nova quedam et amicabilis conventio nullum complete iam prescriptioni factura preiuditium, sed eidem potius continuanda, mediante bonorum et ad hoc electorum virorum arbitrio intercessit. Talis videlicet quod salvo quantum ad alia scripto veteri superius annotato, pro censu predicto unus modius avene et novem modii frumenti a modo duobus sextariis minus ad mensuram Sancti Quintini eo tempore quo scriptum hoc ultimo factum fuit currentem, perpetuo singulis annis solventur. Et si deinceps mensura creverit vel decreverit, id ipsum quod de mutatione mensure nuntianda et reformanda in superiori et veteri scripto contentum est et conventum observabitur. Ceterum ne iste due conventiones diversis facte temporibus pro scriptorum diversitate sibi fidem aliquatenus derogarent, bona fide que omnium et maxime religiosorum debet conventionibus sive contractibus interesse, communiter fuit provisum ut utraque conventio eodem stilo et in una pagina sub cyrographo scriberetur quod utrinque partitum hinc sigillo Humolariensis, inde sigillo Premonstratensis ecclesie, ad firmitatem perpetuam est munitum. Actum anno gratie MCC undecimo.


111

Abbot Hugh [III]

Abbot Hugh [III] and the chapter of Homblières declare that the lady Hauvid of La Musse gave 60 l., money of Morabetin,2 to Homblières and to Saint-Nicolas-des-Prés
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 200 ]] 
[of Ribemont] and that Homblières did not object that the share of Saint-Nicolas was assigned on the land of Le Mesnil-Saint-Laurent.

B: A.N., LL 1015, Cartulaire de Saint-Nicolas-des-Prés, fol. 64r-v, with the title “De Havidim, domina de la Mousse,” copy of ca. 1250.

Pub.: (a) Stein, Cartulaire, p. 131, no. 76.

Ego Hugo Humolariensis ecclesie dictus abbas totumque eiusdem ecclesie capitulum omnibus ad quos presens pagina pervenerit, in Domino salutem. Cum honesta veritas semper in lucem preponi desideret, eam ibi manifestare tenemur ubi rerum ignorantia alicui possit generare dispendium. Significamus igitur universitati vestre quod de LX libris Marbotinoruma quas domina Hauvidis de la Musse nobis et ecclesie Sancti Nicholai in Pratis pro remedio anime sue in elemosinam contulit, prenominata ecclesia Sancti Nicholai suam integram recepit medietatem, absque aliqua a nobis facta in posterum reclamatione, super terram del Maisnil in perpetuum assignatam. Ut autem hoc ratum et inconcussum permaneat, sigilli nostri appensione roboravimus.


112

Abbot Baldwin

Abbot Baldwin and the entire monastery of Homblières announce that they received annually from Gerard of Berlancourt, who has the tithe of Remaucourt, four modii of wheat
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 201 ]] 
and one of oats, and that at Gerard’s request they agreed unanimously to give that revenue to the church of Vicoigne.1

C: Coll. Moreau, vol. 126, fol. 166, copy made by Queinsert in 1771 from a cartulary of Vicoigne of ca. 1450.

Universis presentes litteras inspecturis, Balduinus Dei gracia abbas totusque conventus de Humbleriis, salutem in vero salutari. Notum esse volumus universitati legentium quod cum ecclesia nostra a possessore decime de Rumalcort perciperet annuatim IIII modios tritici et unum modium avene ex suorum largitione et munificientia predecessorum quia vix aliquando sine mora difficultate et diminutione solvebantur ab eodem possessore, videlicet Gerardo de Bellaincort, ecclesie nostre est provisum unde et nos ad petitionem ipsius unanimi consensu predictos modios ad ecclesiam Viconiensis transtulimus iure perpetuo possidendos, et quantum in nobis est presencium conscriptione nostrorum et sigillorum nostrorum appensionibus confirmamus. Actum anno gracie MCCXIX.


113

Abbot Baldwin

Abbot Baldwin and the monks of Homblières declare that they sold to Vivian of Morcourt the one modium of wheat and half of oats owed them annually at the curtis of Tronquoy, and they freed the monastery of Longpont of that payment.

B: Cartulaire de l’abbaye de Longpont at the château of Lesdin, Aisne, copy of the 13th c. (not seen). C: Coll. Moreau, vol. 127, fol. 204, copy of 20 April 1774 by Queinsert from B. D: Coll. Picardie, vol. 24, Cartulaire de Longpont, p. 184, no. 44, for Tronquoy, copy of 1764 of Colliette’s Cartulaire de Longpont (incomplete).

Balduinusa Dei misericordia dictus abbas et conventus ecclesie Beatae Marie Humolariensis omnibusb hec visuris, in Domino salutem.b Noverint universi quod nos per concambium vendidimus Viviano de Morecort etc resignavimus eidem Vivianoc unum modium frumenti et dimidium modium avene annuos qui nobis apud curtem de Tronchoi debebantur, et curtem illam de Troncoid et ecclesiam
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 202 ]] 
Longi Pontis quitavimuse in perpetuum de blado predictof videlicet uno modio frumenti et dimidio modio avene. In cuius rei testimonium et memoriam scriptum hoc nostris sigillis fecimus roborari.f Actum anno gratie MCC vicesimo, mense iulio.


114

Abbot Baldwin

Abbot Baldwin and the entire chapter of Notre-Dame of Homblières announce that they sold to lord Peter, knight of Lesquielles-Saint-Germain, a census of twenty white solidi1 that he owed them annually at the feast of Saint Remi [1 October] after the grape harvest of Vadencourt for his lands, meadows, and buildings.

A: A.N., L 1001, liasse 4, fonds Homblières, no. 93; two pendant seals lost.

Balduinus divina miseratione sancte Marie Humolariensis dictus abbas et totum eiusdem loci capitulum, omnibus tam presentibus quam futuris, salutem in eo qui salutis est auctor. Noverint universi quod nos, de communi et unanimi consensu, pro commoditate ecclesie nostre vendidimus domino Petro militi de Lescheriis viginti solidos alborum annui census cum toto iure ad illum redditum spectante qui nobis debebantur annuatim in festo sancti Remigii post vindemias apud Waudencort, de terris, de pratis, et masuris, ab ipso domino Petro vel eius heredibus iure perpetuo pacifice possidendos, et pecuniam inde acceptam convertimus in commodiores et utiliores ecclesie nostre usus, quitantes imperpetuum eidem Petro et eius heredibus predictos viginti solidos et totum ius quod in illis habebamus. In cuius rei testimonium et perpetuam firmitatem presentem paginam inde fieri, et nostrorum sigillorum appensione fecimus confirmari. Actum anno gratie millesimo ducentesimo vicesimo, mense ianuarii.



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115

Abbot Baldwin

Abbot Baldwin and the entire chapter of Homblières declare that the monastery of Mont-Saint-Martin redeemed the revenue of three modii of wheat1 from Matthew of Walincourt, burgess of Saint-Quentin, for 33 l., money of Paris. Matthew had purchased that wheat from Alold, son of Vivian, knight of Remaucourt,2 who had held it formerly from Rainer Gordel of Fresnoy-le-Grand, a feudal tenant of Homblières.3

B: B.N., lat. 5478, Cartulaire du Mont-Saint-Martin, fol. 116r, with the title “Item eiusdem de tribus modiis frumenti quos debebamus apud Brancort,” copy of 13th c. C: B.N., lat. 9128, Cartulaire du Mont-Saint-Martin, p. 462, copy of 1740 of B.

Ego Balduinus Dei permissione Humolariensis abbas eiusdemque loci conventus omnibus visuris hanc cartam, salutem in Domino. Noveritis quod cum ecclesia Montis Sancti Martini redditum trium modiorum frumenti a Matheo de Wallaincort, burgensi Sancti Quintini, XXXIII libris parisiensis monete redemisset quos idem Matheus emerat ab Aloldo, filio Viviani militis de Roumaucort, qui eos a Renero Gordel, homine nostro de Fraisnoy, prius tenebat. Nos redemptionem illam quam fecit ecclesia a prefato Matheo approbare curavimus et laudare, volentes et concedentes ut dicta ecclesia premissos tres modios frumenti ad mensuram Sancti Quintini, qui sine consensu nostro alienari non poterant, pacifice futuris temporibus possideat et quiete secundum quod in litteris prefati Reneri Gordel,3 nostri hominis, continentur. Actum anno domini MCCXXIII, XVI kalendasa ianuarii.



 [[ Print Edition Page No. 204 ]] 

116

Baldwin, abbot of Homblières (Perhaps forged)

Baldwin, abbot of Homblières declares that according to ancient custom the men of Homblières rendered military service to the lord of the land, who extorted payments of money according to his whim for commutation of that service. In order to free the men from these burdensome exactions, the monks transferred all their hereditary rights at Remigny and Neuville-en-Beine to King Louis [VIII], who was at that time lord of the land. The men of Homblières reimburse the monks by paying 12 l., money of Paris, annually on All Saints’ Day. Exempt from the payment are the keepers of the monastery’s stables, the master cook, the gatekeeper, the baker, and servants of the monastery for as long as they remain in service.

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, pp. 213-214, “chartae Humolar.” (b) Colliette, 2:673, copy of a.

Ind.: Bréquigny, 5:216.

Balduinus,a abbas, [etc.]. Ad notitiam singulorum volumus pervenire quod ex antiqua consuetudine diutius observata homines nostri de Humolariis exercitum et equitaturam domino terrae reddere tenebantur, pro cuius servitii redemptione dominus terrae solebat ab eis quandam pecuniae solutionem, quandoque maiorem quandoque minorem, pro suae voluntatis arbitrio, annis singulis, extorquere. Quia vero dominus terrae praedictos homines nostros per huiuscemodi exactiones quam plurimum aggravabat, nos propter liberandos homines nostros ad eorum instantiam tradidimus excellentissimo regi Francorum Ludovico, qui tunc erat dominus terrae, totam haereditatem quam habebamus apud Rumigniacum et apud Novam Villam in Bainna ab ipso rege et suis successoribus iure perpetuo possidendam. Et per hanc haereditatem a nobis traditam domino regi pro liberatione nostrorum hominum, idem rex quittavit in perpetuum et quittos clamavit praedictos homines nostros ab omni servitio praedictorum exercitus et equitaturae et omni exactione quam occasione illius servitii ab eis erat solitus extorquere. Nostri autem homines memorati, pro facienda nobis restitutione praemissae haereditatis, tenentur et pepigerunt reddere nobis in perpetuum XII libras parisiensis monetae annui redditus super omnia bona sua et super omnes eorum possessiones assignatas et nobis in festo Omnium Sanctorum, singulis annis, persolvendas. Hoc autem sciendum est quod abbatis et ecclesiae nostrae garsiones stabulorum, magister cocus, portarius, furnarius, nisi furnum ad censivam tenuerit, a praestatione praedicti reditus sunt vel erunt in perpetuum liberi. Similiter et omnes servientes ecclesiae nostrae,
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 205 ]] 
puta boskillonnes, bubulci qui de villa Humolariis non sunt nati, ab huius solutione sunt et erunt in perpetuum absoluti, nisi extra servitium ecclesiae nostrae in villa de Humolariis cubantes et levantes moram fecerint per annum et diem. Illi vero servientes ecclesiae nostrae qui de villa oriundi sunt [etc.], propter hoc ab hac consuetudine non erunt liberi [etc.]. [Actum] anno MCCXXIII.

COMMENT

Newman regarded this act as a forgery on the grounds that a number of expressions are unusual for the thirteenth century (e.g., dominus terrae, quandoque maiorem quandoque minorem, extorquere). Moreover, the text is known only from Hémeré’s edition. It was probably a loose document that Hémeré found in the archives of Homblières, perhaps stored at Saint-Remi. Newman argued that the monks were attempting to impose a new tax on the inhabitants of Homblières.


117

Louis [VIII], king of France

Louis [VIII], king of France, abolishes the military service owed him by the men and hospites of the villa of Homblières and frees the monastery of what it owes him, namely, a boar, a corona2 of grapes annually, and a packhorse whenever he goes on military expedition.3 In return, the monastery gives the king all it has at Neuville-en-Beine and in the villa of Remigny in justice and in dependencies except the small tithe belonging to the altar of Remigny. The king does not abolish the 30 s. for food that the monastery owes him annually, nor does he permit the monks to accept in the villa of Homblières any hospes who owes the king service or military service.

B: B.N., lat. 9778, Register F of Saint Louis, fol. 126, copy of 1247, with the title “Carta abbatis et conventus ecclesiae Humolariensis” without formulae and witnesses. C: A.N., JJ 26, Register E (of 1220) of Philip Augustus, fol. 157v, no. 87, copy of B, with same title, added to Register E. D: Lat. 13911, fol. 3r-v, with the title “De commutatione expeditionis et exercitus villae Humolariensis.” E: H 588, pp. 4-5, with the same title as D. F: Wiard, p. 40, copy of a.

Pub.: (a) Hémeré, regestum, pp. 52-53, “E chartulario Humolarien.” (b) Colliette, 2:672-673, copy of a.

Ind.: Matton, p. 93. Petit-Dutaillis, p. 459, no. 74.


 [[ Print Edition Page No. 206 ]] 

In nomine sanctae et individuae Trinitatis. Ludovicus Dei gratia Francorum rex. Noverint universi praesentes pariter et futuri quod cum nosa ex specialib dominio expeditionem et servitium pro expeditione ad submonitionem nostram haberemus super villam et super omnes homines et hospites villae Homblariensis,c nos in hoc cum abbate Balduino et conventu ecclesiae Humolariensis, sub cuius iurisdictione et dominio dicta villa consistit, convenimus quod expeditionem illam et servitium illud quod nobis pro dicta expeditione a dictis hominibus et hospitibus villed Humblariensisc debebatur,e abbati et conventui predictis et prefatisf hominibus et hospitibusd in perpetuum quitavimusg et remisimus, nichilh iuris in hac parte nobis in posterum retinentes. Quitavimusg etiam dictis abbati et conventui in perpetuum verremi unum quem nobis singulis annis debebant, et coronam unam de racemis quam similiter nobis annuatim debebant, et quitavimusg eis sommarium unum quem nobis debebant quando in exercitum ibamus. Memorati vero abbas et conventus in recompensationem omnium predictorum nobis donaverunt et concesserunt de cetero iure perpetuo et haereditario possidendum quicquid ipsij habebant apud Novam Villam que sita est in bosco dek Beine in omnibus proventibus, in tota iustitia alta et bassa in toto districto illo, et in omnibus appenditiis et pertinentiis illius ville et districti, excepta tamen minuta decima que pertinet ad altare illius ville. Donaverunt etiam nobis et concesserunt cum premissis quicquid habebant apud villam de Rumiliaco in omnibus proventibus, in tota iustitia alta et bassa in toto districto illo, et in omnibus appenditiis et pertinentiis illius ville et districti. Nec propter hoc absoluti sunt a solutione XXX solidorum parisiensium quos nobis debentl singulis annis pro pastu. Praeterea dicti abbas et conventus de cetero aliquem novum hospitem in villam suam de Humblariensism reciperen non possunt nec debent qui nobis debeat expeditionem vel servitium. Quaeo ut perpetuae stabilitatis robur obtineant praesentem paginam sigilli nostri authoritate et regii nominis caracterep inferius annotato confirmavimus.o Actum Parisiusq anno Dominir MCCXXIII, regnis nostrit primo, mense februario,u astantibus in palatio nostrov quorum nomina supposita sunt et signa. Dapifero nullo. Signum Roberti buticularii. Signum Bartholomaei camerarii. Signum Matthaei constabularii. Data per manum Garini Sylvanectensis episcopi cancellarii.



 [[ Print Edition Page No. 207 ]] 

118

Baldwin, abbot

Baldwin, abbot of Homblières, and the chapter confirm the agreement made with King Louis [VIII] (act no. 117).

A: A.N., J 229, no. 6, with seals of Abbot Baldwin and of the chapter, both of dark green wax. The oval seal of the abbot reads “+ S[IGILLUM] BALDUINI ABBATIS HUMOLARIENSIS +.” The round seal of the chapter reads “+ S[IGI]LL[UM] EC[C]LESIE SANCTE MARIE HUMOLARIENSIS +.” (See Fig. 4.) B: A.N., JJ 31, Register of Saint Louis, fol. 61r-v, copy of the 13th c.

Ind.: Teulet, 2:25, no. 1634. Douët d’Arcq, 3:17 no. 8242, 3:19, no. 8759. Gomart, “Etude sur les sceaux du Vermandois,” p. 17. Petit-Dutaillis, p. 459, no. 75.

B[alduinus] divina miseratione Humolariensis ecclesie dictus abbas totusque eiusdem loci conventus. Omnibus hec visuris, in Domino salutem. Noverit universitas vestra quod cum vir excellentissimus et dominus noster L[udovicus], Dei gratia Francorum rex, ex speciali dominio, expeditionem et servitium pro expeditione ad submonitionem suam haberet super villam et super omnes homines et hospites nostros de Homblariis, nos in hoc cum dicto domino rege convenimus, quod ipse et expeditionem illam et servitium illud quod eidem regi pro dicta expeditione a dictis hominibus et hospitibus nostris de Homblariis debebatur, et nobis et prefatis hominibus in perpetuum quittavit pariter et remisit nichil sibi iuris retinens in hac parte. Quittavit etiam nobis et ecclesie nostre in perpetuum verrem unum quem ei singulis annis debebamus et coronam unam de racemis quam similiter ipsi regi annuatim debebamus, et somarium unum quem eidem debebamus quando in exercitum ibat. Nos vero in recompensationem omnium predictorum dicto domino regi donavimus et concessimus de cetero iure perpetuo et hereditario possidendum,
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 208 ]] 
quicquid habebamus apud Novam Villam que sita est in bosco de Baine in omnibus proventibus, in tota iusticia alta et bassa in toto districto illo, et in omnibus appendiciis et pertinentiis illius ville et districti, excepta tamen minuta decima que pertinet ad altare illius ville. Donavimus etiam et concessimus cum premissis domino regi quicquid habebamus apud villam de Rumeliaco similiter in omnibus proventibus, in tota iusticia alta et bassa in toto districto illo, et in omnibus appenditiis et pertinentiis illius ville. Propter hoc tamen absoluti non sumus a solutione triginta solidorum parisiensium quos singulis annis debemus domino regi pro pastu. Preterea aliquem novum hospitem decetero in villam nostram de Homblariis recipere non possumus nec debemus qui expeditionem debeat domino regi. Quod ut ratum sit et stabile, presentem paginam sigillorum nostrorum appensione duximus confirmandam. Actum anno domini MCC vicesimo tercio. Mense februario.


119

Gerard, bishop of Noyon

Gerard, bishop of Noyon, confirms the charter [act no. 118] that Baldwin, abbot of Homblières, and the chapter sent to King Louis [VIII].2

A: A.N., J 229, no. 5, with a seal of green wax of Gerard of Bazoches, bishop of Noyon.

Ind.: Douët d’Arcq, 2:528, no. 6746. Teulet, 2:25, no. 1635.

G[erardus] Dei gratia Noviomensis episcopus. Omnibus hec visuris, in Domino salutem. Noverint universi presentes pariter et futuri quod nos litteras abbatis et conventus Humolariensis ecclesie inspeximus in hec verba. [Text of act no. 118 to Quod ut] Nos vero ad petitionem predictorum abbatis et conventus eorum in hoc utilitate provisa, quicquid in hac parte ab ipsis gestum est et tractatum, ratum habemus et acceptum et dictorum bonorum permutationem pontificali munimine confirmamus. In cuius rei memoriam presentem paginam sigilli nostri appensione fecimus confirmari. Actum anno domini MCC vicesimo tercio. Mense februario.



 [[ Print Edition Page No. 209 ]] 

1201

Conrad, abbot of Prémontré

Conrad, abbot of Prémontré, and his entire chapter announce an agreement whereby the nuns of Notre-Dame of Fervaques transfer their share of the major tithe of Hérouel to Prémontré.2 The church of Homblières also has a share of that tithe.

A: A.N., L 995, fonds Prémontré, no. 74, lower half of chirograph; seal lost.

In nomine sancte et individue trinitatis, amen. Ego Conradus Dei patientia abbas totusque conventus ecclesie Premonstratensis notum facimus universis tam presentibus quam futuris quod nos, ex una parte, et religiose mulieres Maria abbatissa totusque conventus tam sororum quam fratrum Sancte Marie de Favarchiis, Cysterciensis ordinis, ex parte altera, inspecta ecclesiarum nostrarum utilitate pariter et profectu de communi assensu et voluntate fecimus cum eadem ecclesia de Favarchiis quoddam excambium sicut inferius est expressure. Ecclesia siquidem de Favarchiis quicquid habebat tempore huius scripti in maiori decima de Herouues, in qua etiam nos et Hummolariensis ecclesia participes eramus cum ipsa, tradidit et concessit nobis in perpetuum. . . . Actum est hoc sollempniter et publice in capitulo nostro, anno gratie millesimo ducentesimo tricesimo, mense augusto.


121

The eskevin of Homblières

The eskevin of Homblières announce that Estevenes Minante and his wife, Havis, gave as a marriage gift all the land that they held from the monastery to their daughter Lussain and her husband, Estevenes le Borgne, who gave Lussain’s sister Bertha 15 l., money of Paris, for her own marriage.

A: Saint-Quentin, B.M., L 265, fonds Homblières. Charter is now missing.

Pub.: (a) Le Proux, p. 451, no. 13, copy of A. (b) Lemaire, Archives anciennes, 1:421-422, no. 361, copy of A.

. . .a eskevin de Honblieresb font savoir a tous chiaus qui cest escrit verront . . .a Estevenesc Minante et Havis se femme ont donee
 [[ Print Edition Page No. 210 ]] 
leur terre le quele il tienentd . . .a Gobert de Honblieres a Estevenon le Borgne avec leur fille Lussain en mariage,e et tout leur enfant le werpirent et issirent fors de mainburnie par lor volente;f et si donerent Estevenes et Havis se femme a Estevenon le Borgne et a Lussain leur fille en mariage tote le terre qu’il tienent de Nostre Dame de Honblieres et de l’abe, et a camp et a vile, et tot lor enfant le werpirent bien et loiaument et si issirent fors de mainburnie. Et Estevenes li Borgnes dut rendre et a rendu a Bertain le mainsnee, fille Estevene Minante et Havwi se femme, XV lib. de paresis por sen mariage, et Berte werpi l’iretage bien et loiaument, com ele eust aage. Et Este[ve]nes li Borgnes et Lusse se femme en paierent leur drois a le iustice bien et loiaument. Ce fu fait en l’an de l’incarnation nostre Segneur, M ans et II. CC ans et XXXIIII ans, eu mois d’aoust.


122

B[aldwin], abbot of Homblières

B[aldwin], abbot of Homblières, and Droard of Pinon, royal provost in Vermandois, announce that at their request Peter, abbot of Saint-Quentin-en-l’Ile, and his chapter gave to Homblières the willow trees located between the vicus of Saint-Eloi2 in Saint-Quentin and their own house.

B: Aisne, A.D., H 534, Cartulaire de Saint-Quentin-en-l’Ile, pp. 145-146, copy of the 17th c.

Ind.: Matton, p. 88.

B[alduinus], divina permissione Humolariensis monasterii dictus abbas, et Droardus de Pinon, domini regis praepositus in Viromandia, universis praesentes litteras inspecturis, salutem in Domino. Noverint universi tam praesentes quam futuri quod viri religiosi, Petrus abbas Sancti Quintini in Insula totusque eiusdem loci conventus, ad preces et petitionem nostram, proprias suas salices sitas in celle qui est sitaa inter vicum Sancti Eligii in Sancto Quintino et suam domum qui . . .b proprius est fundus eorumdem qui etiam Salceyum vulgariter nuncupatur, ad preces et petitionem nostram nobis liberaliter concesserunt et benigne in curte sua tanquam suas proprias iam adductas. In cuius rei testimonium praesentes litteras sigillorum nostrorum munimine roborarimus et tradidimus dictis abbati et conventui roboratas.
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Actum anno Domini millesimo ducentesimo tricesimo quarto, die iovis ante resurrectionem Domini.


122A

The eskevin of Homblières

The eskevin of Homblières announce that Helvis li Veskenesse purchased three pieces of land from his father, John le Clerc.

A: Saint-Quentin, B.M., L 265, fonds Homblières. Charter is now missing.

Pub.: (a) Le Proux, p. 455, no. 20, copy of A. (b) Lemaire, Archives anciennes, 1:426, no. 368, copy of A.

Li iustice et li eskevin de Hombleiieres font savoir a tous caus ki veront cest escrit que Helvis li Veskenesse akata a Jehan le Clerc, sen pere, trois pieces de terre, s’en siet li une piece en Biauvooir, li autre piece siet a le Sousselea . . . et li tierce siet en Bliscaus, quan k’ilb avoit en ces trois pieces. Jehans li Clers werpi cele terre par devant le iustice et Helvis le recut comme sen iretage, et si en fu tenans bien et loiaument par le iustice et par les eskevins. Et Helvis en paia bien et loiaument tous ses drois; et si savoir font ke Helvis li Veskenesse akata a Jehen le Clerc sen pere le quarte part d’un capon et I d. a prendre sour le maison Marien Flameske . . . werpi Jehans li Clers par devant le iustice et Helvis en fu tenans bien et loiaument comme de sen iretage et si en paia bien tous ses drois. Ce fu fait en l’an de l’incarnation, M ans CC ans XXXVI ans, el mois de genvier.


123

Abbot Thomas

Abbot Thomas and the monks of Homblières announce the settlement through mediation of their dispute with the nuns of Montreuil [-les-Dames], who claimed exemption from payment of two parts of the tithe on lands of their curtis at Bernot because they had acquired
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those lands before the [Fourth Lateran] Coun